חומר רקע
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Child Maltreatment
http://cmx.sagepub.com/content/13/2/199
The online version of this article can be found at:
DOI: 10.1177/1077559507306718
2008 13: 199
Child Maltreat
Lyon, Ina Jacqueline Page, David S. Prescott, Jane F. Silovsky and Christi Madden
Mark Chaffin, Lucy Berliner, Richard Block, Toni Cavanagh Johnson, William N. Friedrich, Diana Garza Louis, Thomas D.
Report of the ATSA Task Force on Children With Sexual Behavior Problems
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American Professional Society on the Abuse of Children
can be found at:
Child Maltreatment
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Keywords:
sexual behavior; child psychology; therapy;
assessment; child welfare; public policy
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The Association for the Treatment of Sexual
Abusers (ATSA) Task Force on Children With Sexual
Behavior Problems was formed by the ATSA Board
of Directors as part of ATSA’s overall mission of pro-
moting effective intervention and management
practices for individuals who have engaged in abu-
sive sexual behavior. The task force was charged to
produce a report intended to guide professional
practices with children, ages 12 and younger.
Specifically, the task force was asked to address how
assessment should be linked to intervention activi-
ties, what intervention models or components are
most effective, and the role of family involvement in
Report of the ATSA Task Force on Children With
Sexual Behavior Problems
CHILD MALTREATMENT, Vol. 13, No. 2, May 2008 199-218
DOI: 10.1177/1077559507306718
© 2008 Sage Publications
Authors’ Note: Dedication: This report is dedicated to our friend
and fellow task force member, Bill Friedrich, who passed away dur-
ing the final phases of completing this report. Bill’s contributions
to research and practice in this area, and his contributions to this
report, were immense.
Editor’s Note: This paper is a task force report written for the
Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers and has been
informally disseminated by that group since its completion in
2006. It was submitted to modified peer review by Child
Maltreatment (seeking only recommendations of accept or do
not accept) and approved through that process prior to its publi-
cation here.
199
Task Force Members:
Mark Chaffin (Chair)
University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center
Lucy Berliner
Harborview Sexual Assault Center, Seattle,
Washington
Richard Block
Three Springs Inc., New Smyrna Beach,
Florida
Toni Cavanagh Johnson
Independent Practice Psychology, South Pasadena,
California
William N. Friedrich
Mayo Clinic
Diana Garza Louis
Rio Grande Counseling Center, Austin, Texas
Thomas D. Lyon
University of Southern California Law School
Ina Jacqueline Page
University of Tennessee Health Sciences Center
David S. Prescott
Sand Ridge Secure Treatment Center, Mauston,
Wisconsin
Jane F. Silovsky
University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center
Task Force Coordinator:
Christi Madden
University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center
intervention. The task force also addressed a num-
ber of scientific and public policy issues concerning
children with sexual behavior problems (SBP).
The task force report begins with an introductory
section that offers a working definition of children
with SBP, reviews existing theory models about the
etiology of SBP, and reviews the overlap of SBP with
other problems. Research on population subtypes
and the relationship of SBP to early sexual abuse and
other risk factors is reviewed.
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Next, the report suggests principles for conducting
good clinical assessment of children with SBP, includ-
ing the role and timing of clinical assessment, the
need to take a broad ecological assessment perspec-
tive, suggested assessment components and tools, and
specific assessment issues. This includes the extent to
which assessment of past sexual abuse history needs to
be explored when children present with SBP.
The Treatment section of the report begins with a
review of the treatment outcome research literature.
The body of controlled treatment studies is small
but does allow identification of better supported
treatment models. A range of treatment issues is
addressed, including the role of parents and/or
caregivers in treatment and considerations for select-
ing between group, individual, or other treatment
modes. Suggestions are offered for specific treat-
ment components and how these treatment compo-
nents may be integrated into an overall intervention
where there are multiple treatment foci.
The Public Policy section of the report begins by
articulating an overarching framework for policy deci-
sions about the subset of more serious or victimizing
childhood SBP and offers suggestions for specific pol-
icy areas, such as registration and notification, manda-
tory child abuse reporting practices, policies about
removal of children from their homes, policies about
segregated versus general placement settings, policies
about information sharing, and policies about inter-
agency collaboration. Specific suggestions about
removal and placement decisions are offered, with
the intent of valuing the needs and rights of other
children in the home or community, as well as the
welfare of the child with SBP.
The positions articulated by the report are intended
to serve as suggested practices and recommendations.
The task force strived to ground these recommenda-
tions in the best available scientific research, general
good-practice principles, and accepted ethical codes.
As with any task force report, we believe the sugges-
tions and recommendations in the report should be
given due consideration by practitioners and policy
makers, but they should not be confused with formal
practice standards. Highlights from the report include
the following:
•
Childhood SBP can range widely in their degree
of severity and potential harm to other children.
Although some features are common, virtually no
characteristic is universal, and there is no profile or
constellation of factors characterizing these children.
•
Given the diversity of children with SBP, most inter-
vention decisions—including decisions about removal,
placement, notifying others, reporting, legal adjudi-
cation, and restrictions on contact with other
children—should be made carefully and on a case-
by-case basis. Because children and their circum-
stances can change rapidly, decisions should be
reviewed and revised regularly.
•
Despite considerable concern about progression
onto later adolescent and adult sexual offending,
the available evidence suggests that children with
SBP are at very low risk to commit future sex
offenses if provided with appropriate treatment.
After receiving appropriate short-term outpatient
treatment, children with SBP have been found to be
at no greater long-term risk for committing future
sex offenses than other child clinical populations
(2%-3%). Children with SBP may be at equal or
greater risk for becoming future sexual abuse victims
as sexual abuse perpetrators.
•
On the whole, children with SBP appear to respond
well and quickly to treatment, especially basic cogni-
tive-behavioral or psychoeducational interventions
that also involve parents and/or caregivers. Intensive
and restrictive treatments for SBP appear to be
required only occasionally or rarely.
•
Children with SBP are qualitatively different from
adult sex offenders. This appears to be a different
population, not simply a younger version of adult sex
offenders. Public policies, assessment procedures,
and most treatment approaches developed for adult
sex offenders are inappropriate for these children.
•
Policies placing children on public sex offender reg-
istries or segregating children with SBT may offer little
or no actual community protection while subjecting
children to potential stigma and social disadvantage.
INTRODUCTION
Definition of Children With SBP
SBP do not represent a medical or psychological
syndrome or a specific diagnosable disorder but
rather a set of behaviors that fall well outside accept-
able societal limits. The task force defines children
with SBP as children ages 12 and younger who initiate
behaviors involving sexual body parts (i.e., genitals,
anus, buttocks, or breasts) that are developmentally
inappropriate or potentially harmful to themselves
or others. Although the term sexual is used, the
intentions and motivations for these behaviors may
or may not be related to sexual gratification or sex-
ual stimulation. The behaviors may be related to
curiosity, anxiety, imitation, attention seeking, self-
calming, or other reasons (Silovsky & Bonner, 2003).
It is important to distinguish SBP from normal
childhood sexual play and exploration. Normal
childhood sexual play and exploration is behavior
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that occurs spontaneously, intermittently, is mutual
and noncoercive when it involves other children,
and the behavior itself does not cause emotional dis-
tress. Normal childhood sexual play and exploration
is not a preoccupation and usually does not involve
advanced sexual behaviors such as intercourse or
oral sex. Some degree of behavior focused on sexual
body parts, curiosity about sexual behavior, and
interest in sexual stimulation is a normal part of
child development. The form of these normal inter-
ests and behavior varies across development and
across cultures (Friedrich et al., 2001). What is nor-
mal behavior for a preschooler may be atypical for
an older child and vice versa, and what may be toler-
ated in one culture may be discouraged in another
(e.g., Friedrich, Sandfort, Oostveen, & Cohen-
Kettenis, 2000). In determining whether sexual
behavior is inappropriate, it is important to consider
whether the behavior is common or rare for the
child’s developmental stage and culture, the fre-
quency of the behaviors, the extent to which sex and
sexual behavior have become a preoccupation for
the child, and whether the child responds to normal
correction from adults or whether the behavior con-
tinues unabated after normal corrective efforts. In
determining whether the behavior involves potential
for harm, it is important to consider the age and/or
developmental differences of the children involved;
any use of force, intimidation, or coercion; the pres-
ence of any emotional distress in the child(ren)
involved; if the behavior appears to be interfering
with the child(ren)’s social development; and if the
behavior causes physical injury (Araji, 1997; Hall,
Mathews, & Pearce, 1998; Johnson, 2004).
SBP may include behaviors that are entirely self-
focused or behaviors that involve other children.
Behaviors involving other children may vary in the
degree of mutuality or coercion, the types of sexual
acts, and the potential for harm. The most concerning
SBP cases involve substantial age or developmental
inequalities; more advanced sexual behaviors;
aggression, force, or coercion; and harm or the
potential for harm. In this report, the task force will
address SBP in a broad sense, with additional atten-
tion to more aggressive and abusive sexual behaviors
directed toward other children.
Incidence and Prevalence
No population-based figures are available on the
incidence or prevalence of SBP in children. By defi-
nition, most of the behaviors involved are fairly rare,
which is borne out by the available data on the inci-
dence rate of nonnormative sexual behavior in
children (Friedrich et al., 1991; Friedrich et al., 2001).
Recent decades have seen an increase in the number
of children with SBP who have been referred for
child- protective services, juvenile services, and treat-
ment in both outpatient and inpatient settings
(Burton, Butts & Snyder, 1997). It is not known
whether this represents an increase in the incidence
of such behaviors, changing definitions of problem-
atic sexual behavior, increased awareness and report-
ing of what has always existed, or some combination
of these factors.
Origins of Sexual Behavior Problems in Children
The origins of SBP in children are not clearly
understood. Early theories emphasized sexual abuse
as the predominant, if not sole, cause of sexual
behavior problems in children. Children who have
been sexually abused do engage in a higher fre-
quency of sexual behaviors than children who have
not been sexually abused (Friedrich, 1993; Friedrich,
Trane, & Gully, 2005), and sexual abuse histories
have been found in high percentages of children with
SBP (Friedrich & Luecke, 1988; Johnson, 1988).
The last decade of research suggests that many
children with broadly defined sexual behavior prob-
lems have no known history of sexual abuse (Bonner,
Walker, & Berliner, 1999; Silovsky & Niec, 2002).
Current theories emphasize that the origins and
maintenance of childhood SBP include sexual abuse
as well as familial, social, economic, and develop-
mental factors (Friedrich et al., 2001; Friedrich,
Davies, Feher, & Wright, 2003). Contributing factors
include maltreatment, substandard parenting prac-
tices, exposure to sexually explicit media, living in
a highly sexualized environment, and exposure to
family violence (Friedrich, Davies, Feher, & Wright,
2003). Hereditary also may be a contributing factor
(Langstrom, Grann, & Lichtenstein, 2002). For some
children, SBP may be one part of an overall pattern
of disruptive behavior problems (Friedrich, 2007;
Friedrich et al., 2003; Pithers, Gray, Busconi, &
Houchens, 1998), rather than an isolated or special-
ized behavioral disturbance.
Typology
Children with SBP are quite diverse in the types of
sexual behaviors performed and also in personal
demographics, familial factors, socioeconomic sta-
tus, maltreatment history, and mental health status.
Children with SBP are perhaps more diverse than
adolescents with SBP and adult sex offenders. For
example, whereas adolescent and adult sex offend-
ers are predominantly male, there are a substantial
number of young girls as well as young boys among
children with SBP (Johnson, 1989; Silovsky & Niec,
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2002). No distinct SBP profile for children exists,
nor is there a clear pattern of demographic, psycho-
logical, or social factors that distinguish children
with SBP from other groups of children (Chaffin,
Letourneau, & Silovsky, 2002).
Attempts have been made to construct SBP sub-
types based on types of SBP involved (Bonner et al.,
1999). To date, findings suggest that there are not
qualitatively different sexual behavior subtypes but
rather simply ranges of overall SBP severity and inten-
sity. Children with more intense SBP tend to have
more comorbid mental health, social, and family
problems (Hall, Mathews, Pearce, Sarlo-McGarvey, &
Gavin, 1996). Efforts to derive clinically distinct sub-
types have yielded empirical clusters with substantial
overlap, suggesting that there may not be distinct tax-
onomic subgroups (e.g., Bonner et al., 1999; Pithers
et al., 1998).
ASSESSMENT
Assessment Purpose and Timing
The focus of this section is on clinical assessment
of children with SBP. Clinical assessments are prima-
rily useful for informing intervention and treatment
planning. Where child welfare or juvenile justice
authorities are involved, clinical assessments may
properly aid in formulating official dispositional rec-
ommendations and case plans. However, clinical
assessments should not be confused with official inves-
tigations into whether or not an alleged behavior
actually occurred, and consequently, clinical assess-
ments may not be relevant for official proceedings
focused on determining whether or not a particular
act was committed.
Case-by-Case Assessment and Decision Making
The task force believes that individual assessment
should play a foundational role in intervention
decisions and actions. This includes determining
whether or not there is a need for intervention or
treatment; recommending the types of intervention
or treatment that are needed; recommending inter-
vention priorities; and offering input into decisions
about child removal, placement, or family reunifica-
tion. As noted in the policy section of this report, the
task force endorses assessment-driven, case-by-case
intervention planning and decision making for all
children with SBP.
Assessor Qualifications
Clinical assessments should be conducted by
degreed, mental health professionals who are licensed
appropriate to their discipline and according to local
laws. The task force recommends that assessors have
expertise in the following areas:
•
Child development, including typical sexual devel-
opment and behavior.
•
Differential diagnosis of childhood mental health
and behavioral problems.
•
Specific familiarity with common problems seen
among children with SBP, including nonsexual dis-
ruptive behavior problems, learning disorders and
developmental issues, attention deficit hyperactivity
disorder (ADHD), child maltreatment, child sexual
abuse, trauma, and posttraumatic stress–related
problems. Familiarity with conditions that may affect
self-control, such as hyperactivity and childhood
bipolar disorder, may be important.
•
Understanding environmental, family, parenting,
and social factors related to child behavior, includ-
ing the factors related to the development of sexual
and nonsexual behavior problems.
•
Familiarity with the current research literature on
empirically supported intervention and treatment
approaches for childhood behavior and mental
health problems.
•
Cultural variations in norms, attitudes, and beliefs
about child rearing and childhood sexual behaviors.
Assessment Areas and Scope
Scope of assessment. The scope of a clinical assess-
ment may vary from case to case. In other words, the
breadth and complexity of the assessment and the
amount of assessment resources consumed will vary.
The task force believes that for most cases, it is
unnecessary to conduct broad-ranging assessments
with extensive testing across many sessions. Rather,
in many cases, the necessary assessment information
can be obtained from review of background materi-
als, taking a basic behavioral and psychosocial his-
tory from parents or caregivers, a basic assessment
interview with the child, and administration of a few
simple assessment instruments. This can be accom-
plished in a limited number of assessment sessions,
and often in a single session. In cases where there
are complicated diagnostic issues, more extensive
assessments are warranted.
Assessing context, social ecology, and family. The
family environment and social ecology are key areas
in assessing all childhood behavior problems, includ-
ing SBP. Children’s behavior may reflect their envi-
ronment, and changes in environment often are
necessary for sustained changes in behavior. Current
and future environmental context may be more
influential than individual child factors or the child’s
individual psychological makeup. Consequently,
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assessment should include a focus on current and
future contextual factors both inside and outside the
home, including the following:
•
Quality of the caregiver–child relationship, includ-
ing the level of positive adult caregiver engagement
with the child
•
Adult caregiver capacity to monitor and supervise
behavior
•
Caregiver warmth and support shown toward the child
•
Presence of positive or negative role models and
peers in the child’s social environment
•
Types of discipline, limits, structure, or conse-
quences applied; the level of disciplinary consis-
tency; and the child’s response
•
Emotional, physical, and sexual boundary violations
in the home
•
Availability of opportunities for inappropriate
behavior
•
Extent and degree of sexual and/or violent stimula-
tion in the child’s past and current environment
•
Exposure to, and protection from, potentially trau-
matic situations
•
Cultural factors of the home and community (includ-
ing racial, ethnic, religious, socioeconomic, etc.)
•
Factors related to resilience, or strengths and
resources that can be developed
Effective interventions for childhood behavior
problems usually include working directly with and
through parents or other adult caregivers in the
child’s social ecology. Ecologically focused assessment
is critical for guiding which goals and strategies will be
pursued with key adults in the child’s life. In addi-
tion, the social ecology of the extended family,
neighborhood, school, and other social environments
directly affects children’s behavior and should be
included in the assessment. For example, an ecologi-
cally focused assessment of a case might suggest that
negative peer influences contribute to the child’s sex-
ualized behavior. In this event, it might be important
to assess what adult resources are available to steer the
child away from his or her negative peers, to promote
involvement with different peers, and to supervise
peer interactions more closely. Similarly, an ecologi-
cally focused assessment might identify exposure to
sexually explicit online material as a stimulus trigger-
ing SBP. In this event, it might be important to assess
what sorts of limits, restrictions, or monitoring might
be applied to eliminate this influence. Ecologically
focused assessment strives to identify not only prob-
lems and factors that trigger or maintain SBP but also
strengths and resources that might be marshaled to
overcome the problems. For example, a child who
genuinely wishes to please significant adults may
respond well to interventions emphasizing positive
reinforcement and praise. Family, extended family,
peer, community, and school strengths should be
examined. Ecologically focused assessment also inte-
grates information about permanency planning for
children in state’s custody. If the child is currently in
foster care, but the long-term plan is reunification
with his or her biological family, assessment and treat-
ment planning will focus on both homes.
Assessing broad psychological and behavioral status.
Good assessment of children with SBP includes a
broad assessment of general behavior and psycholog-
ical functioning, as well as a specific assessment of
problematic sexual behavior. In some cases, SBP may
be the dominant concern. In other cases, assessment
may indicate that SBP is a secondary or lower priority.
Combining a broad assessment of general functioning
with a specific assessment of sexual behavior makes
prioritization possible. A number of nonsexual prob-
lems have been described among children with
SBP, including externalizing behavior problems (e.g.,
ADHD, oppositional or aggressive behavior), inter-
nalizing problems (e.g., posttraumatic stress disorder
symptoms, depression, or anxiety), developmental
and learning problems, and adverse environments
(e.g., physical abuse, neglect, or exposure to vio-
lence). Because a significant number of children with
SBP have histories of abuse or trauma, assessing for
problems commonly related to abuse or trauma may
be especially important. Common abuse or trauma-
related problems may include posttraumatic stress
disorder, other anxiety disorders, and depression.
Depending on the case, other general assessment pro-
cedures, such as assessment of intellectual or learning
functioning, may be appropriate. Less often, children
with SBP may present with serious neuropsychiatric
conditions, such as bipolar disorder, with symptoms of
behavioral disinhibition and socially inappropriate
sexual behavior. As a general assessment principle,
common explanations for behavior involving more
prevalent conditions and more everyday explanations
should be considered prior to entertaining explana-
tions based on rarer conditions.
Assessing sexual behavior and contributing factors.
Obtaining a clear, behavioral description of the sex-
ual behaviors involved, when they began, how fre-
quently they occur, and how and whether they have
progressed or changed over time is a core assessment
component. It often is informative to sequence the
sexual behavior history chronologically, and if possi-
ble, juxtapose this chronology with key events in
the child’s life. Multiple information sources are
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important to creating a complete picture of the SBP,
including information provided by the child, by
parents or caregivers, by teachers, or by other
child(ren). This information may be directly
obtained or drawn from official investigation reports,
records, or prior evaluations.
An important area of assessment is determin-
ing the extent to which the pattern of SBP is self-
focused, other-directed, planned, aggressive, or
coercive. For example, SBP that are self-focused,
such as excessive childhood masturbation, may sug-
gest a very different intervention plan from SBP that
involve use of force with other children. If the SBP
involved other children, it is important to determine
how the behavior was initiated, the degree of mutu-
ality involved, and whether the behavior was planned
or impulsive, and whether it involved use of force or
aggression to overcome any resistance. These factors
are critical in assessing the extent of supervision and
restriction needed to protect other children. The
sexual behavior history should include attention to
prior efforts or lack of efforts made by parents or
caregivers to correct the behavior, and the child’s
response to these efforts. In particular, it may be
important to assess for corrective efforts that have
shown some degree of success, as this may offer insight
into key elements of an effective intervention plan.
Good assessment should attempt to identify situa-
tions or circumstances under which SBP seem to
occur. For example, some children might engage in
SBP during times of stress, when depressed or fright-
ened, when angry, or when reminded about past sex-
ual abuse. Others may engage in SBP in response to
particular environmental triggers, such as when
exposed to sexual stimuli or when engaged in rough
and tumble play with other children. Still others may
show behavior limited to opportunistic circum-
stances, such as behavior occurring during sleep-
overs or when sharing a bed with another child. As a
general principle, current and recent factors main-
taining SBP, both environmental and emotional,
may be more salient than long past or distal factors.
In other words, although understanding original
causes and the ultimate etiology of the behavior may
be informative, assessment-driven recommendations
ought to focus more on what current factors are main-
taining the behavior, what current factors are restrain-
ing the behavior, and what future maintaining or
restraining factors may arise. Parents, caregivers, or
professionals sometimes presume that assessment
must find a specific event that caused the SBP or pre-
sume that finding the root cause is necessary for solv-
ing the problem. However, in reality, causes for
human behavior can involve the interplay of multiple
factors and may not be fully knowable. Parents or
other professionals should be reassured that finding
the ultimate past cause(s) of the SBP is far less
important than assessing what current and future
factors need to be identified to help.
In cases in which there has been a reduction in
SBP because of a dramatic but temporary change
in the child’s environment (e.g., a child placed in
foster care or removed from any contact with other
children), long-term maintenance of improved
behavior will require assessing not only the child’s
current emotional and environmental circumstances
but also the future circumstances likely to be involved
when the temporary environmental change ends
(e.g., when the child returns home or resumes contact
with other children). Therefore, good assessment
in these cases will include identifying maintaining
and restricting factors both in the temporary living
environment and in the anticipated future living
environment.
Interviewing children about their SBP. Care is needed
when interviewing children about the specifics of
their SBP. Sensitivity to developmental issues and
past trauma history is necessary. The interview
atmosphere should be supportive and unpressured.
The goal of a clinical interview is information gath-
ering and laying the groundwork for addressing SBP
in a calm and matter-of-fact manner. The goal is
not to obtain a confession, and clinical interview-
ers should not use interrogation or pressure strate-
gies with children. Polygraphs or other techniques
designed to elicit confessions should not be used
with children.
Interviewers should expect that children may be
reticent to discuss the subject of inappropriate sex-
ual behavior. Children commonly deny past wrong-
doing of any sort when questioned by adults. For
some children, discussing sexual behavior may recall
upsetting memories. Other children may simply
have forgotten about past events or details, especially
when intake assessments occur many months after
the incident. Failing to admit past SBP during the
assessment, even in situations where there is clear
evidence that the behavior has occurred, is not nec-
essarily an indication of poor prognosis or being in a
pathological state of denial. Assessors may opt not to
question children about long-past events or details,
events that are clearly upsetting to the child, or may
choose not to interview very young children about
the specifics of their SBP.
The role of formal testing in assessment. Psychological
testing can help estimate the extent and nature of
SBP. The Child Sexual Behavior Inventory–III
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(CSBI-III; Friedrich, 1997) is designed for children
ages 2 to 12 and measures the frequency of both
common and atypical behaviors, self-focused and
other-focused behaviors, sexual knowledge, and level
of sexual interest. Since the development of the
third edition of the CSBI, Friedrich (2002) has
added four items that assess planned and aggressive
sexual behaviors. Age and gender norms are avail-
able for the CSBI and can help discriminate between
developmentally normal and atypical sexual behav-
ior. None of the four added planned/aggressive
items were endorsed by current normative samples.
Another measure is the Child Sexual Behavior
Checklist (CSBCL–2nd Revision), which lists 150
behaviors related to sex and sexuality in children,
asks about environmental issues that can increase
problematic sexual behaviors in children, gathers
details of children’s sexual behaviors with other
children, and lists 26 problematic characteristics of
children’s sexual behaviors (Johnson & Friend,
1995). The CSBCL–2nd Revision also gathers a
broad range of information that is useful for assess-
ment and treatment planning. The CSBCL–2nd
Revision for children 12 years of age and younger
can be completed by anyone who knows the child
well (Johnson & Friend, 1995). A shorter instrument
appropriate for tracking week-to-week changes in
general and sexual behavior among young children
is the Weekly Behavior Report (WBR; Cohen &
Mannarino, 1997b). All of these assessment tools are
useful in several ways. They may help evaluate the
extent and nature of the SBP. Normed instruments
such as the CSBI may be useful for explaining to
parents or others which of a child’s sexual behaviors
are common and which are atypical. Instruments
such as the CSBCL can help assess contributing factors
and identify environmental intervention areas. Finally,
instruments can be useful for monitoring progress and
tracking outcomes (e.g., Cohen & Mannarino, 1997b).
Assessment Issues
Adult and adolescent sexual behavior assessment proce-
dures that are inappropriate for children. Several features
of adult or older adolescent sexual behavior assess-
ment have little direct relevance to assessing children.
For example, some adult sex offenders have sexual
attraction toward children. Sexual attraction toward
children is considered deviant for adults. However,
this factor has no conceptual equivalent and there-
fore no relevance when assessing children with SBP.
Deviant arousal assessment techniques, such as phal-
lometry, should not be used. Other assessment targets
that are relevant for adults or older adolescents, such
as deficient victim empathy or patterns of “grooming”
behaviors, also may be either irrelevant or qualita-
tively different among children. What is concerning
at older ages, such as concrete moral thinking, may
be developmentally normal among children or even
young teens. Although children are capable of
empathic feelings, the level of abstraction and com-
plexity involved is normally much less than for
adults. Similarly, the sorts of sequential planning and
deliberation required for “grooming” may be well
beyond the cognitive capabilities of young children.
Assessors should guard against projecting adult
constructs onto children.
How much should assessment focus on sexual abuse
history? It is clear that a history of previous or ongo-
ing sexual abuse increases the risk for developing
SBP (Friedrich, 1993; Kendall-Tackett, Williams, &
Finkelhor, 1993). Consequently, when a child exhibits
SBP, it is appropriate for assessors to make direct
inquiries into whether or not the child has been, or
is being, sexually abused. However, assessors should
not presume that SBP, even SBP involving clearly
adult-like sexual behaviors, is sufficient to conclude
that there has been sexual abuse. Evidence suggests
that there probably are multiple pathways to SBP,
some of which involve sexual abuse and some of
which do not. The task force believes that childhood
SBP are sufficient to raise the question of sexual abuse
but should not be considered sufficient, by them-
selves, to conclude that sexual abuse has occurred.
Inquiring into sexual abuse and trauma history
should be done in simple language that the child
can understand; should favor open-ended questions;
and should assiduously avoid biased, suggestive, or
leading questions. Inquiries into the child’s abuse
history should be made both with the child and with
his or her parents and/or caregivers. Inquiry into
possible abuse history may or may not lead the asses-
sor to conclude that there is sufficient reasonable
suspicion to warrant making a report to the authori-
ties. Assessors should remain cognizant of their legal
obligation to report reasonable suspicions of child
abuse and should inform parents and/or guardians
about reporting obligations when obtaining consent
for the assessment and prior to conducting the eval-
uation. It usually is not advisable for assessors to
move beyond clinical inquiry into the more involved
task of abuse investigation or forensic interviewing.
Reporting reasonable suspicions is a responsibility
for assessors. Investigating those suspicions further
and conducting formal forensic interviews is the job
of child welfare, law enforcement, or other authori-
ties. Mental health professionals may at times be
asked to conduct forensic assessment of abuse suspi-
cions, and separate guidelines are available for these
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types of assessments. Mixing clinical and forensic
assessments creates complications that are best
avoided if possible (American Academy on Child and
Adolescent Psychiatry, 1997; American Professional
Society on the Abuse of Children, 1990).
In some cases, sexual abuse may be suspected, but
the official investigation may yield no clear conclu-
sions. This may be distressing to parents or profes-
sionals who may presume that the question of abuse
must be conclusively answered for the child to be
helped. When the facts are inconclusive, parents or
professionals may be tempted to turn to poorly sup-
ported or concerning methods in their search to
find an answer to the abuse question (e.g., overinter-
pretation of drawings or play, suggestive therapy or
interview techniques, profiling, poorly supported
truth-detection techniques, etc.). Assessors should
resist the temptation to turn to these methods when
the facts are inconclusive. Parents can be reassured
that providing good intervention services and
expecting good outcomes is still possible even if the
original causes of the behavior are unclear and even
if the facts concerning sexual abuse history are
inconclusive.
In some inconclusive cases, the concern is more
about the possibility of ongoing rather than past sexual
abuse. Naturally, ongoing abuse would be a serious
concern, both for the child’s welfare and for the suc-
cess of intervention efforts. In these cases, assessors
may recommend interventions focused on educating
children about sexual abuse, identifying who children
might tell if they were being abused, having significant
adults support this message, and building support
systems around the child (Hewitt, 1999). Where cases
have been thoroughly investigated but findings are
inconclusive, it is generally a poor practice to keep
questioning children over and over about abuse or to
keep seeking additional interviews, additional experts,
or additional medical examinations.
Temporal factors in assessment. The task force recog-
nizes that children’s behavior and status can change
over time as the child develops and matures, and as
circumstances and the social environment change.
Consequently, the validity of any clinical assessment
also can change over time. Good child assessment
reports often include explicit statements to guard
against inappropriate use of the report long after its
validity has expired. This is particularly important
for assessment of children who have engaged in
coercive sexual behavior, given that there is some-
times substantial misinformation about the persistence
of sexual offending in children. In particular, when
offering recommendations about limiting contact with
other children or similarly restrictive interventions,
assessment reports should be explicit that these rec-
ommendations apply to current circumstances and
may not be valid later in the child’s life.
In addition to explicating this caveat, other tempo-
ral and maturational factors need to be weighed in
assessment. As a general principle, behavior occur-
ring recently should be given greater weight than
behavior occurring in the distant past. This point is
particularly relevant in cases where the inappropriate
or abusive sexual behavior occurred in the past, but
where a thorough inquiry suggests that the behavior
has not repeated itself after an extended period of
time. For example, children may be referred for assess-
ment because of SBP that last occurred 1 year or
more ago, and it appears the SBP has not reoccurred.
In these circumstances, assessment might appropri-
ately give greater weight to the child’s more recent
desistance than to the child’s long-past SBP.
Assessing best interests and welfare of the child with SBP.
Assessors strive to make recommendations that con-
sider the best interests of the child along with the
interests of the family, other children, and the com-
munity. The task force believes that the point at
which this balance is appropriately struck will vary
with the age of the child being assessed. Progressively
younger individuals require progressively greater
consideration given to their interests and welfare.
For example, whereas an adult sex offender’s inter-
ests are expected to be subordinated to those of
his victim and the community, the best interests of
young children with SBP must be considered more
carefully and given more weight. Therefore, the task
force believes that assessment should include some
estimate of how any intervention recommendations
or decisions might negatively affect the child. Where
questions of removal or placement are involved, or
where more restrictive or burdensome interventions
are being considered, the assessment should esti-
mate the potential burden this might place on the
child and the potential risks to which the child might
be exposed. For example, where residential or out-
of-home placement is being considered, assessors
should evaluate the potential for any negative social,
educational, or familial impact on the child, along
with evaluating the potential benefits to the child,
and the importance of protecting other children
and the community. The younger or more vulnera-
ble the child, the relatively greater the weight we
should give to that child’s best interests and welfare.
TREATMENT
A number of SBP-specific treatments for preado-
lescent children have been described in the clinical
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literature, most developed during the past two
decades (Araji, 1997). A small but reasonably rigor-
ous body of SBP treatment effectiveness research has
emerged, sufficient to guide recommendations.
Beyond the SBP area, there is a large and rich body
of research on effective interventions for child
behavior problems in general, and this literature
offers additional guidance.
SBP Treatment Outcome Research
Two randomized trials have been conducted
specifically focusing on children with SBP. Bonner
et al. (1999) randomly assigned children with SBP
either to a 12-session, psychoeducational, cognitive-
behavioral group treatment program (CBT) or a 12-
session play therapy group. Short-term reductions in
SBP and nonsexual behavior problems were found
among children in both treatment groups. At 10-year
follow-up, sex offense arrest and child welfare sexual
abuse perpetration report outcomes were signifi-
cantly in favor of the CBT condition (Carpentier,
Silovsky, & Chaffin, 2006). Children randomized to
CBT had significantly lower rates of sex offense
arrests or sex abuse perpetration reports (2%) than
children randomized to play therapy (10%). Children
with SBP who received CBT had approximately the
same rate of future sex offenses (2%) as a clinic com-
parison group of children diagnosed primarily with
ADHD or behavior problems, but with no history of
SBP (3%). Thus, the 12-session CBT approach not
only performed better than play therapy but resulted
in future sex offense rates that were both extremely
low in absolute terms and no different from those of
a general clinic population. This suggests that risk
for future sexual offenses can be reduced to baseline
levels with appropriate short-term treatment. The
12-session CBT protocol used in the study involved
teaching children simple sexual behavior and
boundary rules, involving parents or caregivers in
monitoring and supervision activities, and teaching
children basic impulse control skills.
Pithers and Gray (1993) and Pithers et al. (1998)
randomly assigned 115 children with SBP, ages 6 to
12, and their families, to 32 sessions of either expres-
sive therapy or a relapse prevention–based group
program. Both group programs, including the
expressive therapy, were psychoeducational, struc-
tured, CBT types of models. However, the relapse
prevention model, which was adapted from adult sex
offender treatment, focused on identifying relapse
factors and building a prevention team, whereas the
expressive approach was limited to education about
sexual behavior rules, boundaries, emotional man-
agement, understanding the effects of sexual abuse,
and teaching problem solving and social skills (Araji,
1997). Midway through the program, children in both
groups had improved, and a subgroup of children
with serious traumatic stress symptoms improved
more with relapse prevention treatment (Pithers
et al., 1998). Ultimately, at follow-up, improvements
were seen in both groups, and the groups did not sig-
nificantly differ (reported in Bonner & Fahey, 1998).
Other studies, primarily of sexually abused
children, also have tracked SBP outcomes. In a ran-
domized trial studying treatments for sexually abused
children with traumatic stress symptoms, several of
whom also had SBP, Cohen and Mannarino (1996,
1997a) tracked changes in SBP over time. Children
randomized to a gradual-exposure-based CBT, includ-
ing a brief component focused specifically on manag-
ing SBP, were compared with children assigned to
individual nonspecific supportive therapy. Both treat-
ment conditions included caregivers in the ther-
apy. The CBT cases demonstrated significant SBP
reductions from pre- to posttreatment, whereas the
nonspecific supportive therapy group did not.
Improvements were maintained at 1-year follow-up
(Cohen & Mannarino, 1997a). Furthermore, six
children who received nonspecific supportive ther-
apy had persistent SBP and were consequently
removed from that arm of the study and provided
with CBT, after which their SBP improved (Cohen &
Mannarino, 1997a).
Silovsky and colleagues used a waitlist control
design to evaluate a 12-week CBT group treatment
program for preschool children with SBP (Silovsky,
Niec, Bard, & Hecht, 2007). Participants were evalu-
ated weekly throughout wait and treatment periods.
Significant time effects and an increased rate of SBP
symptom reduction related to treatment were found
among children with the highest initial rates of SBP.
In other words, SBP tended to improve with the pas-
sage of time, perhaps related to basic caretaker or
child welfare interventions (e.g., increased supervi-
sion, reduced contact with other children), but the
rate of improvement of the children with the highest
frequency of SBP became more rapid once the short-
term psychoeducational CBT treatment was initi-
ated. Similarly, Stauffer and Deblinger (1996)
tracked SBP among children in CBT treatment for
sexual abuse–related traumatic stress symptoms and
noted greater reductions during treatment com-
pared to during a waitlist period and found that
these reductions were maintained at 3-month follow-
up. Pre-to-post–reductions in SBP also have been
reported among children in outpatient psychother-
apy treatment with a specific SBP focus (Friedrich,
Luecke, Beilke, & Place, 1992).
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Several general conclusions might be drawn from
this body of research. First, it appears that improve-
ment in SBP is the rule over time, at least when some
sort of detection and adult intervention is provided.
Second, it appears that focused treatment helps, and
some types of treatment work better than others.
In particular, where structured, SBP-focused CBT
approaches that include parent and/or caregiver
involvement have been tested, they have been found
to work better than unstructured supportive therapy
or unstructured play therapy approaches. This
includes findings at both short-term and long-term
follow-up and findings for both general parent-
reported SBP and for long-term official sexual
offense outcomes. Third, it appears that blended
CBT treatments targeting both traumatic stress
symptoms and SBP can be successful in helping both
problems in cases where both are present.
Finally, examining the details of these studies sug-
gests that good results can be obtained for a broad
range of children with SBP using short-term outpa-
tient CBT treatment approaches. Across studies,
good outcomes in short-term outpatient CBT treat-
ment have been found for children with highly
aggressive versus less aggressive SBP and for girls as
well as for boys. Benefits have been reported among
populations with significant trauma, varying levels of
comorbid problems, and varying levels of family
problems. Although short-term outpatient CBT
treatment may not be the best option for each and
every child with SBP, the findings do suggest that
short-term outpatient CBT approaches, with appro-
priate parent or caregiver involvement, can be
expected to yield excellent and durable results in
most cases. Given these findings, and the fact that
short-term psychoeducational CBT is a low-burden
and low-risk intervention, short-term outpatient CBT
treatment should be considered the first-line treat-
ment for SBP except in unusually severe cases or
cases with very severe comorbidities (e.g., children
who are acutely suicidal).
Other types of SBP treatments and treatment set-
tings are less well studied than outpatient CBT. For
example, there currently are no controlled outcome
studies testing interventions for children placed in
inpatient or residential settings. Behavioral parent-
training or family therapy approaches, which may
be promising considering their track record with
child behavior problems in general, have not been
tested specifically for SBP. However, it does appear
that less structured and less goal-directed therapies,
such as nondirective play therapy or nonspecific
supportive therapy, are not the best choices for
children with SBP.
Parent/Caregiver Involvement in Treatment
It is important to note that both the clinical and
research literatures emphasize parent involvement
in treatment (Friedrich, 2007; Johnson, 1989, 2004;
Silovsky et al., 2006). This includes biological
parents, foster or kinship care parents, or other care-
givers, with consideration given to including both
current caregivers and likely future caregivers. In
some cases, the home environment actively con-
tributes to the development and maintenance of the
child’s SBP. To effectively intervene, the home envi-
ronment must be stabilized and contributing factors
managed. In other cases, the home environment
may not have contributed to the problem, but
parents/caregiver involvement in treatment still may
be critical for providing support and for implement-
ing day-to-day aspects of the intervention plan.
Most of the better child behavior problem treat-
ments examined to date in the effectiveness litera-
ture have included an active parent component.
Some are primarily parent-focused or parent-medi-
ated approaches, such as parent skill training, whereas
others involve parents as partners in the treatment
(Brestan & Eyberg, 1998; Deblinger & Heflin, 1996;
Hembree-Kigin & McNeil, 1995). In general, child
behavior problem treatments are most effective when
they (a) use a focused, goal-directed approach and
(b) teach parents, teachers, or other caregivers to use
practical behavior management and relationship
improvement skills (Patterson, Reid, & Eddy, 2002).
The parenting and behavior management skills
taught in these treatments share much in common,
including instruction in how to give clear behavioral
directions to children; attending to positive child
behavior; use of specific labeled praise for desired
behavior; using time-out with younger children; use of
logical and natural consequences with older children;
and promoting parental consistency, warmth, and sen-
sitivity. Among parents of children with SBP, parent
involvement may additionally include establishing
supervision plans and creating a safe, nonsexualized
environment for the child. A number of approaches
might be considered for fostering parent involvement
in treatment. Joint dyadic sessions, regular parent col-
lateral sessions, and in-home or family therapy modal-
ities are possibilities. The group therapy approaches
used by Bonner and colleagues (1999), Pithers and
Gray (1993), and Pithers et al. (1998) in randomized
trials both included active parent involvement in the
children’s group and/or in a regular parent’s group.
In many cases, it may be appropriate for therapists
to work directly with surrogate parents, such as day
care staff, neighbors who look after children, or
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teachers. In cases where SBP are occurring at school
or in similar settings, therapists should strongly con-
sider visiting the day care facility or school, observing
the child’s behavior and offering teachers and staff
clear, concrete, and practical suggestions for supervi-
sion and behavior management techniques. For
example, a young child with SBP in day care might
need to stay near the teacher during nap times,
avoid being alone with other children in the bath-
room or changing areas, and receive appropriate
reinforcement for keeping hands to himself or her-
self. Teachers and staff can be educated that SBP are
not uniquely difficult behaviors to correct and that
most children with SBP will desist from the behavior
given appropriate guidance, structure, and help
(Horton, 1996). Working with schools and day cares
may be important for preventing the child from
being expelled from these settings, and thereby cre-
ating disadvantages and additional family burden.
Treatment Modality—Group,
Individual, or Other Modalities
As child sexual abuse was increasingly recognized
during the 1980s, victim support groups and group
therapy programs grew and became widely synony-
mous with abuse-focused clinical practice. In line
with this history as well as the group approaches his-
torically used with adult and adolescent sexual
offenders, many treatments for children with SBP
have been group based (Araji, 1997). However, the
clinical popularity of group programs should not
be misconstrued as implying that they are the sole
legitimate or single-best approach. For example, as
reviewed earlier, controlled trial benefits have been
found using both group and individual forms of
short-term CBT. Group treatment offers unique
advantages as well as posing unique challenges. One
clear advantage of group approaches is their low cost
per unit of service. Possible clinical benefits include
the opportunity for vicarious learning, reducing a
sense of isolation, and any benefits arising from a
positive peer culture established within the group.
Groups can spur more active discussion of topics and
offer the opportunity to observe in vivo social inter-
actions and practice new social skills. Group formats
described in the clinical and research literatures
have not segregated children with SBP by gender
and can accommodate both boys and girls of compa-
rable ages. Groups do pose complicated confiden-
tiality issues. Supplemental family or individual
sessions may be needed to attend to idiosyncratic or
comorbid issues. Therapists’ use of effective behav-
ior management strategies are critical to the success
of the group; otherwise, the group may have unin-
tended negative effects because of aggregating
children with behavior problems and thereby creat-
ing negative social models or peer reinforcement of
negative behavior. Group approaches may not be the
best fit for children with serious behavior problems
or with complicated comorbid issues. Group
approaches require significant agency or provider
effort to develop and maintain, and require a size-
able and consistent referral flow. Thus, groups may
be difficult to establish in rural communities or in
practices that receive fewer referrals. Long treatment
delays should be avoided if possible regardless of
modality. The task force believes that practitioners
can validly select from a range of modalities,
depending on the client and the context. Treatment
approach, rather than treatment modality, appears
to be the paramount issue.
Treatment Model Selection in the
Context of Comorbidity
In many cases, SBP may be one of several treat-
ment priorities. SBP may be either a primary or sec-
ondary priority. Given that successful SBP reductions
have been found using CBT models primarily focused
on SBP, as well as using CBT models where SBP was
a secondary focus and traumatic stress symptoms the
primary focus, the task force suggests the following
approach to treatment selection. In cases where SBP
is the main or dominant problem, first consider one
of the research-supported short-term CBT protocols
designed to treat SBP. In comorbid cases where
SBP is a secondary focus, it may be appropriate to
consider using a well-supported, evidence-based
treatment matched to the highest priority, comorbid
problem, and then integrate SBP-focused compo-
nents. For example, when children with SBP prima-
rily suffer from serious traumatic stress symptoms,
trauma-focused CBT should be considered, with
added SBP components addressing necessary envi-
ronmental changes, supervision, and self-control
strategies. When SBP are one element of a broad,
overall pattern of early childhood disruptive behav-
ior problems, well-supported models such as Parent-
Child Interaction Therapy (Brestan & Eyberg, 1998),
The Incredible Years (Webster-Stratton, 2005),
Barkley’s Defiant Child protocol (Barkley & Benton,
1998), or the Triple-P program (Sanders, Cann, &
Markie-Dadds, 2003) might be considered, integrated
with SBP-specific treatment components. When the
primary problem is a chaotic or neglectful family
environment, interventions focused on creating a
safe, healthy, stable, and predictable environment may
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be the top priority. When insecure attachment is a
major concern, short-term interventions emphasizing
parental sensitivity have been found to be the most
effective (Bakersman-Kranenburg, Van Ijzendoorn,
& Juffer, 2003). Resources for selecting empirically
supported intervention models are available from
a number of registries including the Substance
Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration
(www.modelprograms.samhsa.gov), the American
Psychological Association’s Division 53 on Child and
Adolescent Clinical Psychology (http://www.wjh
.harvard.edu/%7Enock/Div53/EST/index.htm),
the Cochrane Collaborative (www.cochrane.org),
the Crime Victims Research and Treatment Center
(http://www.musc.edu/cvc/guide1.htm), or other
repositories. Many of the supported models in these
registries could easily be augmented to include an
SBP focus. Augmentations might include, for
example, adding specific instructions for reducing
exposure to sexually stimulating media or situations
in the home; instructions for monitoring interactions
with other children; suggestions for how parents
should respond to sexualized behaviors; and teach-
ing children basic touching, sexual behavior, and
boundary rules. In multiproblem cases, incorporat-
ing some of these basic SBP elements into evidence-
based treatments focused on the highest priority
problems may be more feasible than adding or “stack-
ing” separate therapies, each targeted at a different
problem. In other words, it is possible that a single
integrated treatment may be preferable to multiple sep-
arate treatments, especially where SBP are secondary
priorities. For example, a child with serious general
behavior problems and mild to moderate SBP might
do well in a single behavior management therapy,
such as behavioral parenting training with some
additional attention to sexual behaviors, and not
require an additional and separate SBP group therapy
program. Implicit in this suggestion is the assump-
tion that competent child therapists do not have to
be SBP subspecialists to provide adequate services to
many of these youngsters, particularly in cases where
SBP are less severe or are a secondary treatment pri-
ority. Although the Task Force believes that basic
information and skills pertinent to SBP are impor-
tant, we do not believe that SBP treatment is such a
specialized or esoteric area that it should be reserved
for only a few subspecialists. Because childhood SBP
are not uncommon, the Task Force believes that
basic SBP management strategies should be
included in routine training for child mental health
clinicians, especially those who work with sexually
abused children, behavior problem children, or other
at-risk groups.
Developmental Considerations in Treatment Planning
Cognitive and social aspects of child development
have several important intervention implications.
Young children’s cognitive development limits their
repertoire of coping strategies. For example, young
children may touch their own genitals as a self-soothing
behavior during times of stress (White, Halpin, Strom,
& Santilli, 1988). This is far more common among
younger than among older children. Younger children
may not yet have the ability to use more sophisticated
cognitive coping strategies. Consequently, young
children may need to be redirected to alternative cop-
ing mechanisms that are simple and concrete rather
than attempting to teach them cognitive coping strate-
gies. Young children’s cognitive development also lim-
its the types of cognitive processes involved in initiating
and maintaining sexual misbehavior. Young children
with SBP are far less able than adults to engage in com-
plex cognitive processes such as planning, grooming,
or rationalizing. Thus, typical adult sex offender treat-
ment concepts such as learning about a cycle of sexual
behaviors or correcting elaborate cognitive distortions
are far less applicable, if not inappropriate, for young
children. Children have shorter attention spans and
more limited impulse control. In contrast to some
adult sex offenders, childhood SBP are more likely to
be impulsive rather than compulsive.
Young children do not yet posses the cognitive
maturity or the ability for emotion regulation that
would allow them to use self-understanding to
improve emotional and behavioral self-control.
Rather, young children’s cognitive abilities are better
suited to understanding simple rules about behavior.
For example, young children can be taught concrete
rules about sexual behavior (e.g., “Don’t touch other
children’s private parts”) and learn to follow these
rules, although they may be unable to understand
the more abstract reasons why the rule is important.
Similarly, because young children learn better by
demonstration, practice, and reinforcement, rather
than by discussing abstract concepts, interventions
may need to emphasize showing children appropri-
ate behaviors, having them practice these behaviors,
and consistently reinforcing these behaviors across
settings. Among older children with SBP (10-12 years
old), some abstract principles along with basic rules
may be included, but the levels of abstraction are still
well short of those applied with adults and teenagers.
SBP-Focused Treatment Components
The successful CBT treatment programs tested in the
research literature have included a number of common
components. For children, these include the following:
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1. Identifying, recognizing the inappropriateness of, and apolo-
gizing for rule-violating sexual behaviors that occurred. This com-
ponent is often omitted with very young children (e.g.,
younger than 7 years). This component should not be mis-
interpreted as a requirement that the child admit or
acknowledge past behaviors as a prerequisite for treatment.
2. Learning and practicing basic, simple rules about sexual
behavior and physical boundaries. Teaching sexual behavior
and boundary rules should not imply that all forms of
human sexuality, touching, or close physical contact are
wrong and lead to trouble. It may be important to empha-
size which behaviors are acceptable and distinguish these
from which behaviors are against the rules.
3. Age-appropriate sex education.
4. Coping and self-control strategies. This may include
teaching relaxation skills, problem- solving skills, or rou-
tines to encourage stopping and thinking before acting.
5. Basic sexual abuse prevention/safety skills.
6. Social skills.
Components for parents or caregivers include the
following:
1. Developing and implementing a safety plan. This includes
the following:
a. A supervision and monitoring plan, especially moni-
toring interactions with other children. The level
of supervision and monitoring should fit the indi-
vidualized case assessment.
b. Communicating with other adults (such as day care
personnel or extended family) about supervision
needs. Again, the extent communication with oth-
ers that is needed will vary according to the individ-
ualized case assessment.
c. Modifying the safety plan over time. Safety plans
should be modified according to improvements in
the child’s behavior. Regular modification of the
safety plan reinforces the child for increased self-
control and decreased SBP and focuses the child
on the attainment of behavioral goals.
2. Information about sexual development, normal sexual play
and exploration, and how these differ from SBP.
3. Strategies to encourage children to follow privacy and sexual
behavior rules.
4. Factors that contribute to the development and maintenance
of SBP and how to maintain an environment that is not
overly sexually stimulating for the child.
5. Sex education and how to listen and talk with children
about sexual matters.
6. Parenting strategies to build positive relationships with
children and address behavior problems. This component can
include learning and practicing skills, such as play skills,
redirection, giving clear directions, use of labeled praise,
use of time-out and logical or natural consequences, appli-
cation of consistent rules and discipline, and so forth.
7. Supporting children’s use the self-control strategies they have
learned.
8. Relationship building and appropriate physical affection
with children.
9. Strategies to guide the child toward positive peer groups.
The emotional quality of the parent–child relation-
ship also may be important to address, with a focus on
enhancing supportive, positive, and mutually enjoy-
able interactions. Finally, many caregivers of children
with SBP have high levels of parenting stress and lim-
ited support systems. One advantage of the group
approaches is the opportunity to receive support from
other parents and to be able to discuss aspects of their
child’s SBP frankly with a support group.
PUBLIC POLICY
General Policy Considerations for Children With SBP
Do children with SBP pose a risk to other children and
the community? Childhood SBP are not rare, espe-
cially among children with behavior problems in
general, among young children exposed to sexual
stimuli in their environment, and as reactive behav-
iors among children who have been sexually abused.
The range of behaviors involved is broad in terms of
severity and potential to cause harm. Some SBP
involve little or no victimization of others, but SBP
can range up to and include behaviors that parallel
serious and aggressive sex offenses. Public policy is
most appropriately concerned with the subset of
children who engage in the most serious and victim-
izing behaviors. We will primarily concern ourselves
in this section with policies that address these most
serious cases.
Some have argued that sexual behavior in child-
hood directly leads to adult sex crimes. Although
some adult offenders report a childhood onset to
their sexual aggression, we should avoid the logical
fallacy of reasoning backward and assuming that all
or most children with SBP are therefore on a path
toward serious sexual aggression. Prospective data
are required for estimating long-term risk to the
community. To date, the task force is aware of only
one prospective study of children with SBP, the
results of which suggest that the concerns derived
from reasoning backward are exaggerated. Ten-year
follow-up data suggest that children with SBP are
unlikely to have future arrests or child welfare
reports for perpetrating sexual offenses through
their adolescence and into early adulthood
(Carpentier, Silovsky, & Chaffin, 2006). When given
appropriate treatment, as described elsewhere in
this report, children with SBP, including aggressive
SBP, were no more likely to have future arrests for
sexual or nonsexual offenses than a comparison
group of clinic children with common nonsexual
behavior problems such as ADHD (a 10-year risk of
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2%-3% for both groups). Overall and regardless of
treatment type, children with SBP may be as likely to
be future victims of sex crimes as future perpetrators of
sex crimes (5%-6%) (Carpentier, Silovsky, & Chaffin,
2005). The available data suggest that the vast major-
ity of children with SBP, given appropriate short-
term intervention, do not pose an elevated risk for
committing future sex offenses. Public policy makers
should consider both the overall low level of risk and
the fact that risk appears easily modifiable by focused
short-term treatment, in crafting sound policies for
these children. Public policies should consider the
fact that a body of sound research supports using
treatment to lower sex offense risk. The risk posed by
untreated children with SBP is unknown but may not
be insignificant given that 10% of children receiving
less effective treatment had future sex offense arrests
or reports. Therefore, public policy should promote
appropriate treatment where assessment suggests it
is needed. Making appropriate treatment available
to these children is in the public’s interest.
Legal response and culpability. Laws generally set an
age below which children cannot be found legally
culpable regardless of their behavior. The age at
which youths are assumed to understand what it
means to break the law and may be adjudicated
delinquent varies by jurisdiction. Often there is an
age bracket where the presumption of incompe-
tence can be rebutted and the child adjudicated. In
other cases, formal legal proceedings may be under-
taken against young children more as an effort to
ensure receipt of needed services. In some locations,
children ages 9 or younger are adjudicated delin-
quent for sex offense behavior, although this is rare
within many other jurisdictions. Recent public out-
cry and concern about sexual offenders may mistak-
enly suggest to some that children with SBP are an
exceptionally high-risk group and that routine pros-
ecution and adjudication are correspondingly in
order. The task force disagrees. The task force does
not support the differential application of the nor-
mal adjudication decision-making processes for
children with SBP compared with children of similar
age who may have engaged in other behaviors that
would be serious crimes (e.g., assault, theft). Legal
authorities routinely make case-by-case judgments
about what steps are necessary when children and
youths engage in seriously inappropriate or victimiz-
ing behavior, and sexual behaviors should not be a
special exception to this rule. In some cases, adjudi-
cation may be helpful in securing needed services,
protecting communities, or as an appropriate response
to particularly egregious behavior. However, simply
because a child’s behavior was sexual in nature
should not suggest any unique risk or unique adjudi-
cation priority.
Effective policy should recognize that children
are naturally less legally culpable than adults. By def-
inition, they lack the experience, education, and wis-
dom to make decisions in ways that adults can.
Furthermore, children’s behavior often is highly sus-
ceptible to environmental influences. For example,
some SBP seem to be in response to witnessing explicit
sexual stimuli or a response to sexual abuse or
trauma. The link between SBP and abuse or trauma
appears far more direct among young children than
among other age-groups. For all these reasons, pol-
icy makers should take into account that the legal
culpability of children is significantly different from
that of adults who sexually abuse others.
Best interests of the child with SBP. The public is
rightly concerned about sexual abuse in our commu-
nities and rightly gives high priority to the interests
of victims and to protecting children from risk.
Indeed, where SBP involve victimizing other
children, protecting other children by stopping the
SBP is an immediate concern. The public also is
rightly concerned about the interests of children
with SBP and their welfare. Effective public policy
must protect the long-term development and well-
being of all children. Public policy always must strike
a balance between the interests of the individual and
the interests of the community, and among the inter-
ests of those posing a risk of harm, those harmed,
and those at risk of harm.
Because the long-term level of risk posed by
children identified as having serious SBP appears to
be manageable, and because children with serious
SBP, like all children, merit special considerations,
the task force believes that this balance should be far
different from the one drawn for adult sex offend-
ers. Consequently, many policies developed for adult
sex offenders are inappropriate for children.
Labeling. Adults should take every precaution
against policies that label children as deviant, per-
verted, as sex offenders, or destined to persist in sex-
ual harm. Professionals increasingly use the term
children with sexual behavior problems because it labels
the behavior and not the identity of the child
(Chaffin & Bonner, 1998; Chaffin et al., 2002). Given
that childhood SBP may foretell little about a child’s
future behavior and that labeling a child risks creat-
ing a self-fulfilling prophecy and social burdens,
applying labels such as sex offender, predator, perpetra-
tor, or variants of these terms are injudicious, espe-
cially when those labels are likely to outlive any utility
or relevance.
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Recommendations Regarding Specific Public Policies
Registration and public notification. By 2001, more
than half of all American states required juveniles
adjudicated for sex offenses to register (Trivits &
Repucci, 2002). Although the applicable ages, offenses,
and conditions under which juveniles are required
to register vary by jurisdiction, several jurisdictions
adjudicate children as young as age 8 or 9, and some
include young children with SBP on public sex
offender registries. At the time of this writing, legis-
lation was proposed and passed the U.S. House of
Representatives that would mandate lifetime sex-
offender registration and public notification for
children of any age adjudicated delinquent for sex
offenses against other children (Children’s Safety
Act of 2005). The provisions of this act, in revised
form, were passed as the Adam Walsh Act and would
require states to practice lifetime public sex offender
registration for children 14 and over adjudicated for
common sex offenses, and the act would allow states
to be more inclusive and less restrictive if they so
desire. The task force believes that registering
children and publicly labeling them as sex offenders
for life risks a number of significant harms. These
can range from educational discrimination to
ostracism to vigilantism. It is not difficult to see how
subjecting children to public stigmatization and pos-
sible ostracism, barriers to education, and occasional
vigilantism could impede development. Including
children under registration and notification policies
offers no broad protections to the public because
children with SBP simply are not a high-risk group,
especially if provided with appropriate treatment. In
short, applying these policies to children will likely
do more harm than good, and the task force believes
this is an onerous policy. It might reasonably be
argued that some form of public notification would
be helpful in very unusual cases involving highly dan-
gerous children. However, it remains unclear how
these few children could be identified with accept-
able reliability and specificity, and there is no con-
sensus on what legal procedures would be necessary
to assure adequately selective application of these
laws to children.
Mandatory reporting of children with SBP as alleged
sexual abuse perpetrators. Laws on mandatory child
abuse reporting and/or mandatory reporting of sex
offenses against minors may vary, and readers should
familiarize themselves with their local laws on this
matter. The task force believes the decision to file a
suspected child abuse report because of SBP
between children should be considered carefully.
Mandatory reporting laws more directly apply to
adult-child and adolescent-child sexual behavior,
where reporting decisions are clear-cut. Behavior
between or among children may be less clear-cut.
Typical or normative sexual play and exploration
between children does not merit a report to law
enforcement or child welfare authorities. Even SBP
that may warrant consulting a professional may not
always merit a report to the authorities. In other
cases, SBP may be clearly abusive and should trigger
reporting requirements. In situations in which the
parents or caregivers were informed of ongoing abu-
sive sexual behaviors and failed to intervene or protect
the children, a report to authorities is warranted. In
addition to local laws, the following principles may
be useful to consider when deciding if SBP warrant
a report to the authorities. The task force believes
reporting is most appropriate where both of the fol-
lowing conditions are true:
1. Behavior that has involved significant harm or exploita-
tion. Where the sexual behavior has caused significant
distress or harm, or a child has used physical and/or emo-
tional coercion (can include bribes and/or threats) to
gain the compliance or reduce the resistance of another
child, or where the age or developmental difference
between the children indicated substantial inequality, and
2. Serious or persistent behaviors. The sexual behaviors are
of an advanced nature such as oral-genital contact or pen-
etration, penile-anal contact or penetration, penile-vaginal
contact or penetration, digital contact or penetration of
the rectum or vagina; or other sexual behaviors of a less
advanced nature that persist despite efforts to correct
them or admonitions to stop.
SBP not meeting both criteria above obviously may
still merit adult correction and/or professional
attention, even if not meriting a report to the
authorities. In some cases, the overall decision to
report extends beyond simply considering the
child’s SBP. For example, where there are reasonable
suspicions that the child may have experienced prior
or ongoing maltreatment, or where parents or care-
givers are neglecting to provide sufficient supervision
or care, reporting requirements may be triggered.
Policies Related to Placement.
Placement decisions. Children with SBP are a diverse
population with diverse needs, diverse presentations,
and diverse circumstances. Because of this diversity,
any fixed, single policy or intervention plan may miss
the mark for a significant number of children and
families. This principle is especially true when it
comes to out-of-home placement decisions. The task
force believes that children with SBP do not require
automatic out-of-home placement, even in cases
where a child has sexually victimized another child in
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the same home. This decision requires case-by-case
assessment. Retaining all children in their homes,
families and communities should always be the first
option considered. However, out-of-home placement
should be considered for those cases where retaining
children in the home is not viable either because it
would cause harm or significant distress to the other
child(ren), because of acute needs for treatment or
protection (e.g., seriously suicidal children), or
because caregivers are not providing an adequate
environment (e.g., serious neglect). If placements
are required, priority should be given to the least
restrictive, closest-to-home placement, where family
involvement in treatment can be accommodated.
Policies concerning removal and placement
should consider the impact of removal and place-
ment on all the children affected and strive to bal-
ance their respective interests. For example,
residential placement may meet several needs for a
minority of children with SBP (e.g., safety, supervi-
sion, specialized care, intensity of care), but residen-
tial placement also can carry distinct disadvantages
(e.g., exposure to other children with problem
behaviors, disengagement from family, interruption
of normal social development, distress, expense).
Similarly, removing some children with SBP may
offer benefits to the other child(ren) in the home
(e.g., protection from a high-risk or frightening sib-
ling, or relief) but in other instances may actually
increase the other child(ren)’s distress (e.g., distress
over family disruption, distress over separation from
a sibling). As a general principle, removing a child
should be considered where one of the following
conditions is found:
1. Source of serious distress or need for relief. Where the pres-
ence of the child with SBP in the home is causing current,
serious distress to other child(ren), and/or where the
other child(ren) would be significantly relieved to be sep-
arated from the child with SBP. Current, serious distress
and need for significant relief may be gauged either by
child statements or behavior. Distress and/or need for
relief should be based on a case-by-case assessment and not
presumed to be invariably present or absent; or
2. Reasonable, less restrictive efforts have failed to curtail seri-
ous SBP. A less restrictive intervention is being tried and
aggressive or advanced sexual behavior involving other
children continues to occur; or
3. Lack of reasonable effort combined with serious SBP. Where,
despite efforts, caretakers are unable or unwilling to pro-
vide a healthy and stable home environment or to exercise
even a minimally sufficient intervention or safety plan in
the home, and the child persists in aggressive or advanced
sexual behavior with other children; or
4. Exceptional circumstances. In rare cases, there may be
risks or behavior so extreme or potentially harmful to self or
others that attempting less restrictive solutions is not reason-
able and placement should be immediately considered.
The task force believes that in a majority of cases,
these conditions will not be found. Many children
with SBP targeted at other children in their home do
not require removal, either for their own welfare or the
welfare of the other children. However, where the cir-
cumstances described above are found, action is war-
ranted. Of course, removal and placement may be
considered for reasons other than SBP. For example,
removal may be considered because of serious mal-
treatment by caretakers in the home or because of
comorbid problems (e.g., suicidal behavior). Or,
families simply may opt to place a child out of their
home (e.g., to a relative’s home) for the sake of conven-
ience or to reduce stress within the family. In border-
line cases, where it is not immediately clear whether
removal is indicated, short-term removal pending fur-
ther assessment can be considered. In these cases,
assessment and final decision making should be expe-
dited in to minimize the duration of the temporary
placement. Where out-of-home placement is involved,
less restrictive alternatives, such as therapeutic foster
care, should be considered first. Long-term placement
in an institution or residential facility, particularly facil-
ities that aggregate children with behavior problems,
should be considered a last resort.
Segregated and specialized versus general out-of-home
placements. When a child with SBP is placed in out-of-
home care, the issue arises whether the child can be
placed with other children in a foster home, group
home, or residential facility or whether the child
should be segregated away from other children in fos-
ter care, placed in a special segregated home, or in a
special segregated residential SBP unit. Of course, if
any child’s behavior is out of control or poses an acute
and substantial risk for serious harm to other
children, a more restrictive and segregated environ-
ment is warranted. This general principle also
applies to children with SBP. However, some adults
perceive risks involving sexual behavior to be neces-
sarily more serious, predatory, and dangerous than
risks for other harmful behavior. This fear, and the
related fear of liability exposure, may lead some facil-
ities to form policies that segregate all children
labeled as having SBP. The task force believes blan-
ket segregation policies are misguided for two rea-
sons. First, inappropriate sexual behavior occurring
among children in placement is not merely a con-
cern for children previously identified as having SBP.
In fact, undesirable sexual behavior is a broad con-
cern in many types of institutions, facilities, and fos-
ter homes. A sensitive, developmentally appropriate
plan for discouraging inappropriate sexual behavior
among all children should be considered within all
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placements. Second, although children known to have
SBP do require additional monitoring and attention
in this area, experience suggests that the level of addi-
tional monitoring and attention required often is well
within the capability of many general placements, and
the task force is aware of many general foster homes
and residential facilities that have successfully accom-
modated children with these types of behavior prob-
lems in their general population.
Accommodating children with SBP within general
facilities involves commonsense precautions. For
example, the child with SBP may need to have a sep-
arate bedroom and not bathe or change with other
children. Children with SBP may need adult moni-
toring when interacting with other children, although
this, too, is not an unusual need among children in
placement. Selection of appropriate entertainment
material and monitoring Internet use may be impor-
tant. Wrestling, tickling, or similar behaviors may need
to be discouraged. These sorts of commonsense pre-
cautions often will be sufficient for many children with
SBP who are in placement, and they are well within the
capabilities of most foster homes or facilities.
The needs and best interests of children with SBP
also must be considered in decisions about segrega-
tion. In general, the task force believes that foster
homes, agencies, and facilities should be discour-
aged from forming policies excluding children with
SBP, as a class, from their services. The idea that
children with SBP, as a class, must be placed only in
segregated SBP or sex offender facilities may unnec-
essarily exclude these children from needed services
and impose needless placement and service disad-
vantages. It also may needlessly label and stigmatize
children. This policy is especially problematic when
children are excluded from services based on long-
past SBP that have not reoccurred. The task force
believes that the best policy is for children to have
open access to all needed placements and services
and to exclude children from a placement or service
only in the event that a careful individual assessment
suggests unmanageable risk to other children.
Information sharing with placements. When a child
with sexual behavior problems is placed out of
home, it is good policy to fully inform the placement
about all of the child’s needs and problems, includ-
ing SBP. For example, foster parents or group homes
should be fully informed that the child has had SBP
and that some special supervision needs will apply.
On occasion, workers may be reluctant to share this
information with foster parents or facilities for fear
that the foster parent or facility will reject the child.
This may be related to misinformation surrounding
children with SBP. Consequently, foster and kinship
caregivers, as well as residential staff, should be edu-
cated about children with SBP before a child is
placed in their care. Foster and kinship caregivers
should be strongly encouraged to participate in any
SBP therapy, along with the child.
Sharing information about a child’s SBP with foster
or kinship parents should be done in a child-sensitive,
nonjudgmental, and matter-of-fact manner. Often, it
may be wise to share some more limited information
with other children in the home, in a way that does
not stigmatize the child but informs the other
children. Sharing details of the sexual behaviors with
other children is unnecessary. Knowing that the
other children are aware of the problem and will
alert the caregiver if problems occur may improve
self-control. The child with SBP also can be
informed about relevant problems among the other
children in the placement so that there is reciprocity
in the process and the child does not feel singled
out. This discussion can be done jointly with all of
the children and caregivers present.
Information sharing with schools or other organizations.
The task force believes that most children with SBP
can and should attend school with other children,
unless their behavior is unusually severe and unman-
ageable. When children with SBP attend school with
other children, the question arises of who, if anyone,
at the school needs to be informed. As with other
questions, a policy of individual assessment-driven
decision making is suggested. The task force believes
that notifying schools about all cases of SBP is unnec-
essary, especially where the behavior problem has not
previously occurred in school settings, where the child
is receiving help for the problem, and where the
behavior is not persisting. However, in those cases
where children are assessed as posing a high risk, or
where the SBP have occurred in school or school-like
settings, or where serious SBP are persisting, it is
appropriate to inform school personnel. Often,
parents or caregivers may provide helpful input about
who at the school would be best to approach.
Teachers or school administrators may have little fac-
tual information about children with SBP or may have
been exposed to misinformation. Consequently, it is
important to provide accurate information along with
practical commonsense recommendations. For
example, in cases where notifying the teacher is indi-
cated, recommendations might include providing
a somewhat higher-than-normal level of monitoring
during interactions with other children, restricting
contact with significantly younger children at the
school, or structuring individual bathroom breaks.
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The task force believes that any formal process for
informing other children at school about the child’s
SBP is usually unnecessary and risks stigmatization.
Interagency Collaboration
The task force believes that collaboration among
involved agencies, authorities, and providers is impor-
tant during all phases of a case and consequently
recommends that policies be developed that allow
and promote collaboration. This is a general good-
practice principle, not limited to children with SBP.
Collaborations can include but are not limited to
treatment providers, child welfare workers, foster
parents, parents, schools, child care providers, juvenile
justice staff, and courts. The extent of collaboration
and who may need to be included can be expected to
vary considerably across cases. Collaboration should
follow applicable laws, policies, and ethical princi-
ples governing information sharing. This includes
obtaining voluntary authorizations for sharing pro-
tected health information, executing any necessary
data use or collaboration agreements among teams
of collaborators (e.g., confidentiality agreements
among multiple party planning or coordination
groups), and maintaining appropriate records of what
information is shared and with whom.
Information regarding the safety of the child and
other children, current and planned services, and
overall intervention progress is shared among treat-
ment provider teams so that services can be coordi-
nated and evaluated, and duplicated or incompatible
services and actions avoided. In complex cases where
multiple service systems are involved, it may be useful
for a coordinator or case manager to organize collab-
orative efforts. Systems-of-Care or similar formal
structures in place in many communities may be use-
ful in complex cases where multiple agencies are
involved (surgeon general’s report; U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services, 1999).
Including parents and other caregivers as full part-
ners in coordination, service planning, and decision-
making meetings is recommended, and including the
child in some or all of the decisions should be consid-
ered to the extent the child’s development and status
permits. A main purpose of coordination and informa-
tion sharing is to define consensus goals, to articulate
a clear plan and timetable of specific tasks needed to
reach those goals, to identify who on the team will be
responsible for each aspect of the plan, and then to
evaluate plan implementation and goal attainment.
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Mark Chaffin, PhD, is a professor of pediatrics at the
University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center in Oklahoma City
and Director of Research for the section of Developmental and
Behavioral Pediatrics in the Center on Child Abuse and Neglect.
Lucy Berliner, MSW, is the director of Harborview Center for
Sexual Assault and Traumatic Stress. She is a clinical associate
professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work
and Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences.
Richard Block, MA, holds a Masters Degree in Mental Health
and Rehabilitation Counseling from the University of South
Florida. He is currently The Vice President of Public Programs for
Three Springs Inc.
Toni Cavanagh Johnson, PhD, is a licensed clinical psycholo-
gist in private practice in South Pasadena, California. For the past
22 years, Dr. Johnson has provided highly specialized treatment for
children below the age of 12 with sexual behavior problems.
At his death in 2005, William N. Friedrich, PhD, was a
licensed clinical psychologist and a Professor and Consultant in
the Department of Psychiatry and Psychology at the Mayo Medical
School and May Clinic, in Rochester, Minnesota.
Diana Garza Louis, MEd, LPC, LMFT, LSOTP, RPT, works
at the Rio Grande Counseling Center and in private practice in
Austin, Texas. She works with treatment of sexual abuse victims
and perpetrators, specializing in Spanish speaking populations.
Thomas D. Lyon, JD, PhD, is the Judge Edward J. and Ruey
L. Guirado Chair in Law and Psychology at the University of
Southern California. His research interests include child abuse
and neglect, child witnesses, and domestic violence.
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Ina Jacqueline Page, PsyD, is an associate professor at the
University of Tennessee Health Science Center, Department of
Psychiatry. Dr. Page’s research is in the areas of victims of sexual
abuse, children with sexual behavior problems, adolescent sex
offenders, and juvenile justice related issues.
David S. Prescott, MSW, LICSW, is Treatment Assessment
Director at the Sand Ridge Secure Treatment Center in Mauston,
Wisconsin. Mr. Prescott oversees treatment and consults to pro-
grams treating sexual aggression across the life span.
Jane F. Silovsky, PhD, is an associate professor at the
Center on Child Abuse and Neglect at the University of
Oklahoma Health Sciences Center. Her research focuses on
children with sexual behavior problems as well as prevention
of child maltreatment.
Christi Madden, BA, is a Special Program Coordinator at the
University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center in the section of
Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics. Her interests include
social research and program evaluation.
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