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Chapter 3
DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0169-5.ch003
ABSTRACT
Through an investigation tracing the historical origins and trends associated with the Palestinian Minority in
Israel (PAMI), this chapter investigates why a large proportion of those students—33% in fact—now choose
to study abroad. Data are drawn from official statistics, documents and representative studies of PAMI
students’ to thus enable the authors to identify key factors that hinder PAMI access to Higher Education
(HE) in Israel. Limited access to HE in the State of Israel is a strong motivator for PAMI students studying
abroad, as it provides greater opportunity to pursue HE. This chapter discusses the features of globaliza-
tion that have led to the development of a highly competitive international academic market and the effect
that this has had on PAMI students’ choice of location for HE and also choice of chosen field of study.
INTRODUCTION
Studies have described the challenges that students encounter when studying either long-term or short-
term outside their country of origin and when they return home (e.g., Tarrant, 2012; Brooks & Waters,
2011). However, there has been little research concerning the specific constraints that shape minority
group members’ decision to study abroad, let alone in an indigenous ethnic minority such as the Pal-
estinian Arab Minority citizens of Israel (PAMI) (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2010, 2013; Brooks & Waters,
2011; Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014). Thus, the aim of this chapter is the identification of likely reasons for
the large-scale mobility of PAMI students to study abroad and the main changes that have taken place
in PAMI studies abroad over the last two decades. More specifically, this chapter aims to answer the
following questions:
Higher Education Abroad:
Trends among the Indigenous
Palestinian Arab Minority in Israel
Khalid Arae
Sakhnin College for Teacher Ed, Israel
Kussai Haj-Yehia
Beit-Berl Academic College, Israel
67
Higher Education Abroad
1.
What motivating factors push PAMI students to continue their HE abroad?; and
2.
What trends and changes have occurred in the characteristics of PAMI students’ studies abroad?
In order to answer these questions, the authors conducted a meta-analysis of existing theoretical and
empirical research literature examining the relationship between minorities and marginal groups and
mobility for HE and a review of recent literature on the political, economic, and historical characteris-
tics influencing the development of HE for the PAI (Arar & Mustafa, 2011; Arar & Haj Yehia, 2010;
2013). Contemporary critical and cultural perspectives, including a post-colonial view of education,
influenced the study design and data analysis (Kincheloe & Maclaren, 2002). Content analysis was ap-
plied to official documents, official statistics, and research by the authors. An endogenous model, that
sees ‘both the possible causes and the possible effects as located within the country being investigated’
(Qyen, 1990, p. 6) was utilized. The analysis stems from the interest of two indigenous Palestinian Arab
researchers from Israel who investigate and illuminate whether and how the social characteristics of
PAMI students and the patterns of their studies in HE reflect the social characteristics of Israel and the
policies it implements (Qyen, 1990).
BACKGROUND
PAMI students travelling to foreign countries usually undertake long-term studies to acquire a degree,
while few PAMI students undertake short-term studies abroad. Typically, PAMI graduates seek to pursue
post-doctoral programs abroad for no more than two years and, inclusive of a scholarship, such as the
United States’ (US) Fulbright Foundation program (Haj Yehia, 2013), the DAAD foundation in Germany
(Haj Yehia, 2007) and, PAMI graduate students who participate in special programs in international
development and leadership such as the Ford Foundation Program in the US (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
Israeli universities have little involvement in the credits system of international programs, such as Eras-
mus (Teichler, 2001), and they have only recently started to develop special programs in cooperation
with international partners including Tempos Iris Program in Europe. Thus, few PAMI students have
benefitted from programs such as these. For PAMI students, a national minority group in Israel, short-
term studies abroad in English-speaking countries can help with the acquisition of English language
skills especially where English is the language of instruction (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
There are several reasons why PAMI students prefer to study in long-term courses abroad (Haj Yehia
& Arar, 2014):
•
PAMI students show a strong preference for the study of Medicine, Pharmacy and Paramedical
disciplines. It is more difficult to gain access to these disciplines in Israeli HE Institutions (HEIs)
than HEIs abroad and so the desire to study these disciplines is a strong motivator for study
abroad. Typically, however, the period of study abroad is longer-term rather than short-term.
•
Many PAMI students understand that long-term studies for an academic degree abroad presents
far greater employment opportunities than specific career development or personal self-realization
courses, which short-term studies abroad may offer (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2010; Brooks & Waters,
2011).
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Higher Education Abroad
•
Since most PAMI students are from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, financial constraints often
prevent them from undertaking short-term studies abroad during their studies at Israeli universi-
ties, especially in the Humanities and Social Sciences areas.
•
PAMI female students find it difficult to study either short-term or long-term studies abroad in
both non-Arab or non-Islamic countries due to society’s traditional socio-cultural norms and the
fear that their independent studies in a foreign country may be negatively stereotyped in their
home villages and towns such as to affect their chance of marriage. Some students and parents
express fears for women studying abroad, especially for young women, since they may lose con-
nection with their traditions and be vulnerable to exploitation (Haj Yehia, 2007). Relatively few
female PAMI students study long-term programs in Western countries. As is explained below,
female PAMI students prefer to study abroad in countries with similar culture, religion and lan-
guage (Arar & Massry-Herzallah, 2014) mainly in Jordan and in universities in the regions of the
Palestinian Authority.
•
PAMI students’ have not been exposed to sufficient information regarding short-term programs of-
fered in the global education market, for example the international academic credit system and are
unaware of the benefits and the effectiveness of short-term studies abroad. Due to this lack of in-
formation PAMI students often believe that they are not well enough equipped with the necessary
skills to become effectively involved in short-term studies in a foreign environment. However,
paradoxically, one way to gain this knowledge and understanding is through participation in study
abroad programs (Henthorne et al., 2001). The same lack of information and awareness often deter
PAMI students from studying long-term studies abroad (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
•
Insufficient preparation and lack of support for international orientation and cooperation in the
curriculum of the PAMI school system in Israel. It is imperative that global-mindedness is pro-
moted among future generations (Norris & Gillespie, 2009).
LITERATURE REVIEW
Literature that discusses students’ mobility between/among different states in search of HE mostly relates
to the search for prestigious universities with high-level rankings that can boost students’ eligibility for a
professional or academic career and improve their socioeconomic status (Tarrant et al., 2014). Venturing
abroad for study purposes also satisfies students’ desirability for adventure and curiosity about other
cultures and language acquisition etc. (Altbach, 2011; Brooks & Waters, 2011). Generally the motiva-
tion for travel outside the country of origin for HE are influenced by requirements for cultural, financial,
human, and social capital (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2013; Brooks & Waters, 2011).
Scholars have identified two types of mobility for study abroad i.e., short-term and long-term. Short-
term studies abroad relate to the study of a specific course, while long-term studies abroad are generally
for university and academic programs (Terenzini et al., 2001). Short-term exchanges are generally for
days, weeks, a couple months or a semester, rather than the years it make take to complete an entire degree
program (Berger, 2011; Kehl & Morris, 2007). Students who seek to study abroad are impacted upon by
both ‘push’ and ‘pull’, which can influence the student’s choice of target country and HE Institute (HEI)
(Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014). Oftentimes, economic, social as well educational factors push students from
their home country to study abroad, while pull factors make the host country a more attractive option.
69
Higher Education Abroad
In addition to the push and pull factors that may influence individuals, cooperation, student exchange
programs and partnerships between/among universities are affecting the rate of student mobility by offer-
ing many international opportunities e.g., the Erasmus program, considered as the largest international
student exchange program (Mapp, 2012). Recent research has shown increasing interest in this growing
trend for shorter study abroad (Kehl & Morris, 2008; Allen, 2010; Sachau et al., 2010; Rowan-Kenyon
& Niehaus, 2011; Perry et al., 2012; Mapp, 2012; Mills et al., 2010; Paige et al., 2009). Students travel-
ling for short-term studies abroad are more likely to be young, female and from high socioeconomic
backgrounds who have previously travelled abroad (Bell & Watkins, 2006).
The characteristics of PAMI students studying abroad differ markedly from those of other ethnic
minority students studying abroad. For example, irrespective of the country in which country they study,
most PAMI students return to Israel after graduation believing that employment in Israel is more likely
with a degree. In contrast, students from other ethnic minority groups who study outside their homelands
prefer to settle in the host country because their home country does not have the economic and political
stability of the host country (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2013; Modood & Shiner, 1994). The travels of PAMI
students for academic studies can thus be reconceptualized as ‘circular migration’ (also understood as
‘temporary migration’) whereby students spend a certain period of time in the target country for HE and
return home thereafter (Brooks & Waters, 2011; Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
Unlike students from other countries, PAMI students studying abroad do not generally involve deci-
sions based on political, economic, cultural, geographical, historical (such as ties with former colonial
overlords) or language-related rationale. Neither do they travel abroad primarily to gain knowledge
and understanding of other cultures, although exposure to cultural enrichment activities increases their
ability to compete in the employment market. Rather, PAMI students tend to travel abroad for their
studies to overcome difficulties in gaining access to their desired disciplines in their country of origin
and they are often willing to dispense with considerations of comfort or prestige to be able to become
degree-qualified. Theirs is a ‘constrained choice’ and these students seek access to foreign universities
that accept them without barriers to admission they experience in Israel. In the main, PAMI students
tend to study abroad in Europe, the states of the former USSR, the US and more recently in Arab and
Islamic states wherein PAMI students have opted to study in universities in Jordan and the Territories
of the Palestinian Authority.
Despite the geographical and cultural proximity of these Arab states—which assists PAMI women to
integrate more readily—the choice of Arab universities is not primarily motivated by cultural, linguistic
or geographical considerations, since the universities in these lands teach Medicine and Paramedical
disciplines in English and not in Arabic. PAMI students have a feeling that they are a minority even in
more culturally similar Arab-speaking regions. This assertion is supported by evidence that linguistic
similarity is not the main consideration for PAMI students, as PAMI students have streamed to study in
Romania, Moldavia and Germany (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
Rather, PAMI students tend to travel abroad for their studies to overcome difficulties in gaining access
to their desired disciplines in their country of origin and they are often willing to dispense with consid-
erations of comfort or prestige to be able to become degree-qualified. Theirs is a ‘constrained choice’
and these students seek access to foreign universities that accept them without barriers to admission they
experience in Israel. in states that conduct friendly relations with Israel, irrespective of the universities’
reputation or status and despite the difficulties involved in studying in a different language, and culture
and the considerable financial expense (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2013). Before examining these issues in
greater depth, we begin by describing the context of the PAMI in the State of Israel.
70
Higher Education Abroad
The Palestinian Arab Minority in Israel (PAMI)
According to recent statistics issued by the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS, 21 April 2015), Israel
has a total population of approximately eight million. Palestinian Arab citizens constitute the largest
minority in Israel and the PAMI have their own social and linguistic characteristics that differ from
those of the Jewish majority (Ghara, 2013). They are an indigenous population who consider that they
are ‘controlled’ by the Jewish ruling majority (Ghanem & Mustafa, 2009).
Relationships between the PAMI and the Jewish majority are complicated by the ongoing conflict
between the two nation-states due to the State being identified as Jewish, thereby excluding its Palestin-
ian population. Further complicating this relationship is the PAMI community’s, religious and cultural
identification with an Arab, rather than Israeli ideology (Rouhana, 1997). Although the PAMI were given
citizenship after the establishment of the State, their political, economic, social and cultural rights were
restricted by discriminatory legislation (Rouhana, 1997). Economic discrimination towards the PAMI
community is evident for example in the approval process for the State’s annual budget. Statistics show
that the percentage of the total development budget allocated to the PAMI does not exceed 6% (Ghara,
2013). Therefore more than half of the PAMI population are below the poverty line.
The PAMI school system is separate from the Jewish school system and teaches in Arabic. The
national and cultural characteristics of the PAMI are not officially recognized by the state; 80% of the
school learning program contents are state-controlled and ignore the PAMI national and cultural narrative.
PAMI schools have unequal inputs and outcomes to Jewish schools and PAMI educators do not partici-
pate in decision-making concerning educational learning programs. The State’s Ministry of Education
controls various aspects of PAMI education, such as the curricula, infrastructure and quality of services.
The PAMI education system is subject to various political, economic and structural disadvantages that
have produced an inferior infrastructure and resources, delay in learning progress and lack of inculca-
tion of PAMI national and cultural values (Arar & Abu-Asbah, 2013) Consequently, PAMI students’
learning achievements have consistently been lower than that those of students in Jewish schools across
all education levels.
In socio-political terms, the PAMI community faces serious challenges in various forms, including
points of conflict with the State concerning ownership and allocation of land, residence rights, political
and legal status, governance, support for PAMI education and access to HE. In terms of socioeconomic
status, there is widespread poverty, unemployment, violence and social disintegration of the PAMI
community and, as previously noted, the State does not recognize the historical narrative and collective
identity of the PAMI. Therefore, HE is important and perhaps the sole instrument for the promotion of
the PAMI in relation to their individual and collective social consciousness and socioeconomic mobility
(Al-Haj, 2003; Arar & Mustafa, 2011).
Historical Trends: PAMI Students and Study Abroad
PAMI students’ temporary migration to acquire HE is not a new phenomenon (Brooks & Waters, 2011).
The flow of Palestinian students to other countries for HE began before the establishment of Israel and
then, towards the end of the 20th Century and the beginning of the 21st Century increased considerably.
It has its origins in Arab and Islamic cultural history and heritage (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014) and before
the establishment of Israel. Towards the end of Ottoman Empirical regime, students from wealthy Pal-
71
Higher Education Abroad
estinian Arab families studied in Dar al-Fonoon University in Istanbul, Beirut University in Lebanon
and the historic al-Azhar University in Cairo, and others travelled further to Paris, France.
At the beginning of the British Mandate of Palestine, between the years 1920-1948, suspension of
HE in Istanbul and the marginalization policy, which Palestinians incurred under the British mandate,
limited the possibilities for studies abroad for Palestinian students. For those students their attention was
focused on gaining entry to the American University in Beirut, and on al-Azhar University and Dar al-
Olum in Cairo. In the academic year 1928-1929, approximately 91 Palestinian students studied abroad;
mostly in Humanities and Literature, while others specialized in Dentistry, Medicine, and Pharmacy.
Approximately 35% of the Palestinian students were Christians, including some females (Al-Haj, 2003;
Arar & Mustafa, 2011).
In 1948, nearly 1,133 students PAMI students studied abroad, 500 of them studied in Beirut, 107 in
the UK, 435 in the US, and 310 in Egypt (al-Azhar University n = 112; Cairo University n = 147; and
King Farouq University n = 51), all the last three in Egypt (Tibawi, 1965). Nevertheless, the dynamics
of the ‘global village’ have empowered this phenomenon. Like permanent migration, temporary mi-
gration for the purpose of HE is more widespread among ethnic minorities particularly those exposed
to discrimination and ineffective integration policies in their countries of origin (Arar and Haj Yehia,
2010; Connor, 2004).
Today, academic migration by PAMI students from their homeland is essentially ‘circular’, with
students returning home after a relatively short-term abroad i.e., after successful completion of their
program of study. Unlike other Arab students from Arab countries studying abroad, 45% of whom, ac-
cording to previous studies, do not return to their countries due to the nature of the political regimes and
political instability (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014), the majority of PAMI return to Israel and participate in
the labor market. It is only under exceptional circumstances that a PAMI student does not return. Despite
this however, relationships between students in the communities and the host countries often continue
after completing HE abroad (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2010), sometimes even throughout their vocational and
social life as a ‘transnational’ connection (Brooks & Waters, 2011).
Recent Trends: PAMI Students and Study Abroad
Recent OECD and UNESCO data reveals how, in 2011, 14,000 Israeli students were studying abroad
with approximately 60% being PAMI students (UNESCO, 2012; OCED, 2012). According to the OECD
(2013) about 9,800 Israeli students studied in OCED countries in 2012, amounting to 0.9% of all foreign
students in these countries (no breakdown is available for the proportion of PAMI students). Table 1
shows the distribution of Israeli students in OECD countries.
According to OECD data, many Israeli students travel annually to OECD countries to study Medicine.
International official sources indicate that half of the students from Israel study in non-OCED countries,
mainly in Jordan, where there were nearly 17% of all Israeli students studying abroad. These are almost
certainly PAMI students whose number reached 3,060 in 2011, as Jewish students do not study in Arab
countries (OECD, 2012).
Based on the data presented in Table 2 below—collated from international organizations, statistics
of HE councils in different countries, and with the help of Arab and international student organizations
and other Palestinian student organizations from Israel—it appears that the number of PAMI students
studying abroad reached almost 9,260 students in 2012; about 51% of all Israeli students studying abroad
and about 33% of all PAMI HE students (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
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Higher Education Abroad
Relatedly, Figure 1 shows the increase in PAMI students studying abroad from 1929 until 2012.
The geographical distribution of PAMI students studying in universities abroad across three continents
in 2012, showed a preference to studying in Asia (45%), especially in the Middle East, then in Europe
(40%) and North America (15%). PAMI do not study in Africa or Australia.
Before the establishment of Israel, Arab countries were the main destination for PAMI students; this
tendency has recently recommenced. However, in the 1970s, Eastern European countries (former USSR)
became more popular destinations for PAMI HE, such as Moldova, Romania and Ukraine. Many PAMI
students received scholarships from Eastern Europe socialist countries through the Israeli Communist
Party (Haj Yehia, 2002); Nakhleh (1979) noted that in 1979 nearly 300 students received scholarships
from the Israeli Communist Party. Later data from Al-Haj (2003) indicate that the Israeli Communist
Party granted from 50 to 60 annual scholarships to PAMI students to complete their HE in the former
USSR. He also noted that from 1986-1996, 1,096 Palestinian students completed their university studies
in the former USSR, indicating that 60% of those students studied Medicine and 20% studied various
Engineering specializations, while the rest studied: Economics; Law; and Political Science. Following
the fall of the USSR, and a reduction in the number of scholarships for former USSR states, Western
European countries such as Germany, Greece, Italy, and the UK became the preferred destination for
further study by PAMI. The US continued to receive excellent students for higher degrees, most of
whom received scholarships for tuition and other expenses (Haj Yehia, 2002; Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
Table 1. Distribution of Israeli students in OECD countries in 2011
Country
% of Israeli students in each country out of total Israeli students studying abroad
US
15%
Italy
9%
Germany
8%
Canada
6%
UK
4%
Source: OECD (2012)
Table 2. Distribution of PAMI students studying abroad by country of destination in the academic year
2011-2012
Country
No. of PAMI students studying in the country
%
Jordan
3,060
33%
Palestine
2,500
27%
Moldova
1,650
17.8%
Romania
600
6.5%
Germany
550
6%
Italy
400
4.3%
Other countries
500
5.4%
Total PAMI Studying Abroad
9,260
Sources: OECD (2013); UNESCO (2012); Haj Yehia and Arar (2014)
73
Higher Education Abroad
As noted, today almost 33% of all PAMI HE students study abroad. This is a large percentage even
compared to the movement of students from other minority groups in other countries (Haj Yehia &
Arar, 2014). Figure 2 shows the distribution of PAMI in HE institutes in Israel and abroad for the years
2011-2012.
Early in the 1990s, Romanian universities became a popular venue for the PAMI. In 2006, in the
universities of Iaşi, North of Romania, there were 282 PAMI students. In 2012, the number of PAMI
students from Israel in Romanian universities was closer to 600 (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2013). Significantly,
many PAMI students have recently chosen to study in other European countries such as the Czech Re-
Figure 1. The rising trend of PAMI students studying in universities abroad 1929-2012
Source: Haj Yehia and Arar (2014)
Figure 2. Distribution of PAMI students in HE institutes in Israel and abroad, 2011-2012
Sources: Haj Yehia and Arar (2014); Arar and Haj Yehia (2013); Ghara (2013); CBS (2013); OECD (2013); Haj Yehia (2013)
74
Higher Education Abroad
public, Hungary, Moldova, Poland, and the Ukraine (n = 1,650 students) (OECD, 2013), due to eas(ier)
university admissions procedures to study Medicine, Pharmacy, and Paramedical studies (Arar & Haj
Yehia, 2013). A new wave of PAMI students’ mobility has been observed during the last year, to Arme-
nia and Georgia, which have opened their medical and scientific colleges to PAMI students. This latest
phenomenon is still new and uncertain. Recently, Turkey has also drawn the attention of PAMI students.
Higher Education among the PAMI
The increasing number of PAMI students, and especially females, studying HE is contributing to cultural
change in PAMI society (Arar, Masry-Herzallah & Haj Yehia, 2013), as HE is an important element in
the national and political struggle of the PAMI in Israel (Nakhleh, 1979), primarily because of the way
in which it assists PAMI citizens to enter the State’s labor force. This work-force participation also leads
to involvement in other areas and improves the economic, social and political status (Arar & Haj Yehia,
2013; Arar & Mustafa, 2011; Al-Haj, 2003) of the PAMI.
Thus, there has been a significant increase in the number of PAMI students in Israeli universities
and colleges in recent years compared to the late 20th Century. In the 2014 academic year the number
of PAMI students was 37,493 being 12.18% of all students in Israel. This number represents 18.5% of
the total PAMI population aged 18-22 (Shaviv, Stone & Zener, 2015). The impetus for this significant
increase stems from policy decisions made by the Council for Higher Education (CHE), which in order
to improve their integration in the Israeli employment market, seeks to broaden access to HE for the
PAMI. The CHE policy decisions were accompanied by operative programs, including plans for guid-
ance and assistance of PAMI students in their freshman year in HEIs and the provision of scholarships.
One of the catalysts for these developments may have been reports by the World Bank and OECD that
indicated the potential economic value of integration of the PAMI in the Israeli economy (OECD, 2012,
2013). Additionally, workforce demands for additional doctors in the public health service and person-
nel in other public services have prompted efforts to include PAMI students (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
PAMI students prefer to study in universities, but Jewish students study in academic colleges in
higher numbers than the PAMI. Nevertheless, a relatively large number of students enrolled in colleges
of education are PAMI, a significant proportion of whom are female. Figure 3 presents the distribution
of PAMI in Israeli HE across all institution types. Almost twice the number of PAMI students study at
universities than at all colleges of education.
In the 2012/2013 academic year, a total of 11,567 PAMI students were enrolled in Bachelor’s degrees,
2,684 in Master’s degrees, and 397 in Doctoral degrees. Figure 4 presents the percentages of PAMI
students within different Israeli universities for that year. Palestinian students are a minority group in
most Israeli universities, the notable exceptions being the University of Haifa and the Technion Institute.
The continued increase in the number of PAMI students in Israel suggests how the previous under-
representation of PAMI may not have been a result of cultural factors but could, potentially, be attributed
to institutional impediments, which have hindered PAMI students’ relatively easy access to HE. The
number of PAMI applications for university continues to increase although simultaneously there has
also been an increase in the number of applications that have been rejected.
The increase in the proportion of PAMI women across all HE institution-types in the last decade is,
as mentioned, one of most important developmental changes in HE for the PAMI (Haj Yehia & Arar,
2014). Female students (Jewish and PAMI) made up 36.1% of all university students in the academic
year 1964/1965; by 1988/1989 females were in equal proportion to men and continued to rise to a total
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Higher Education Abroad
66% of all students enrolled in 2012 (CBS, 2013). In 2012, 8.2% of female PAMI students were studying
a Master’s degree with an additional 4.4% studying towards a doctorate. In total in 2012, PAMI females
represented 80.1% of all students in colleges with Agriculture (60%), Biology (63%), Education (83%),
Humanities (63%), Medicine (79%), and Social Sciences (60%).
Figure 3. The distribution of PAMI students from Israel by HE institution-type in 2011-2012
Source: CBS (2013)
Figure 4. The distribution of PAMI students in Israeli universities in 2012
Source: Central Bureau of Statistics (2013)
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Higher Education Abroad
Large proportions of PAMI students study Humanities and Social Sciences. In recent years there
has been a significant increase in PAMI students’ applications to Paramedical disciplines while their
proportion among the student body in Natural Sciences and Engineering remains relatively low. Despite
strong PAMI demand for Medicine, their presence remains minimal in these faculties with the exception
of the Technion Medical School (Leichman, 2013). The percentage of female PAMI students is greater
than that of PAMI men in Social Sciences, Humanities and Paramedical disciplines.
Higher Education in Israel and Factors that ‘Push’ PAMI to Study Abroad
When the academic and financial demands, and environmental conditions of the HE system are compared
with the existing abilities and conditions of a minority, it becomes possible to understand the extent of
that minority’s ‘access’ to HE. In this particular context, access has to two elements: (1) demographic
and educational background of those who apply for HEIs; and (2) the ability of the HEIs to take on
candidates from different strata and sub-populations of a society (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2007). According
to Volanski (2012), ‘access’ is determined by the demand for HE and the supply of places for study.
Despite the increase in the number of PAMI students in HEIs in Israel, PAMI students nevertheless
lag behind their Jewish counterparts in terms of access to HE generally and in particular university ac-
cess. In 2011, for example, 33.6% of PAMI candidates’ applications for university study were rejected in
comparison to a rejection rate of 15.6% for Jewish candidates (CBS, 2013), which is less than half that
of the PAMI. Table 3 features some of the impediments encountered by PAMI students thus making it
somewhat more difficult to gain access to study in universities in Israel.
Obstacles facing PAMI students wishing to gain access to Israeli universities (adapted Haj Yehia &
Arar, 2014) include as examples: cultural and peer group differences; economic barriers i.e., PAMI stu-
dents’ families are largely from lower socioeconomic strata; entry examinations and personal interviews
in Hebrew and English; inferior state of PAMI schools and low average matriculation results; language
barriers as instruction is in English and Hebrew i.e., the second and third language for Arab speakers;
minimum age restriction; PAMI students’ tendency to apply for prestigious faculties and free professions
where the admittance criteria of HEIs is grueling; and psychometric testing.
With reference to Figure 5, the lack of appropriate preparation of PAMI school students to gain ad-
mittance to HEIs largely reflects the PAMI school system’s resource constraints. The Jewish and PAMI
education systems are separate with the PAMI education system in receipt of funding that is lower than
that of schools governed by the Jewish system. This constitutes a significant obstacle for PAMI students
wishing to access HE, due to learning and teaching resource constraints due to unequal funding models.
In addition, the various standard exams in middle school, matriculation exams at the end of high school
and international standard exams are challenging for PAMI students due to cultural barriers (Arar, 2012).
Research on access of marginal populations to HE also suggests that psychometric tests potentially
constitute an obstacle due to a tendency to be culturally aligned (or not). The average grade for PAMI
students on the psychometric test is 123-126 points less than the average grade for Jewish students (to-
tal of 800 points) (Gamliel & Cahan, 2004; Maagen & Shapira, 2009). Psychometric testing has been
shown to discriminate between students who come from a different socio-cultural backgrounds (Abu-
Saad, 2006; Yogev & Ayalon, 2008) and it has also been shown that the results of these tests cannot
accurately predict the student’s future academic success. Due to the difficulty involved in psychometric
testing many PAMI students enroll in psychometric preparation courses in the PAMI society in order to
increase their average or they opt to register for less preferred disciplines. A further difficulty stems from
77
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the fact that PAMI students have little access to information concerning the academic learning process.
These factors increase the probability of dropout (Al-Haj, 2003; Arar & Mustafa, 2011).
As with other minorities PAMI tend to prefer prestigious disciplines and in Israel they have to cope
with challenging criteria for admission into these subjects (Kettley, 2007; Oplatka & Lapidot, 2012).
However, the main barrier for PAMI students, especially females is the minimum age threshold required
for studies in Medicine and Paramedical disciplines and other ‘healthcare’ professions. This age restric-
tion necessitates a 2-3 years delay in starting studies after high school and then once accepted, PAMI
students face numerous cultural differences on the largely ‘Western’ campuses, where they encounter
mixed ethnic and national cultures and foreign perspectives on gender not formerly encountered (Arar,
Masry-Herzallah & Haj Yehia, 2013). There are also high tuition fees and accommodation costs (if they
live away from home) (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014). Certainly, there are a number of impediments to further
study that PAMI students must overcome in order to advance to HE in Israel (CBS, 2013).
Although a decrease in the rate of rejections of PAMI applicants to Israeli universities (Council for
Higher Education, 2015) this is apparently due to an increase in PAMI school students’ achievements in
matriculation exams (especially higher achievements of female PAMI students and not necessarily any
alteration in the acceptance policies). Indeed, the growing numbers of PAMI students in HE has largely
swelled due to the persistent attendance in school of PAMI female students beyond Grade 10, and some
gradual easing of traditional norms to allow girls to study perhaps because of the financial needs of Arab
society (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
Although some motives for PAMI studies abroad differ from other students’ motives, these PAMI
students do enjoy the benefits of intercultural HE (Altbach, 2011). In fact, such an experience is often-
times conceived of a as ‘family project’ whereby the extended family participate in the decision-making
process (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2013); an investment opportunity for everyone concerned. Brooks and Walters
(2011) referred to this in terms of it being a reproduction process whereby everyone often contributes
to funding their study and host country on-costs. Spending a long time abroad for HE and acquiring a
Figure 5. Push and pull factors for HE abroad among Palestinian students from Israel
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Higher Education Abroad
profession allows them to understand the values, traditions and ethics of diverse cultures. It also makes
students value cultural awareness, expanding their personal and professional horizons and helping them
to develop a global attitude (Brooks & Waters, 2011).
In summary, the aforementioned challenges also have an effect on PAMI students shifting their pref-
erences and seeking entry into academic colleges, due to admission requirements that are lower than
those required for university entry, although this occurs less frequently for PAMI females, due to the
high costs and the family’s fear of losing patriarchal supervision over women in a distant Western state
(Arar et al., 2015). However, for PAMI women a possible alternative is to study in a neighboring Arab
state such as Jordan or the Palestinian Authority Territories (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
Most Popular Subjects Studied by PAMI Abroad
The PAMI are increasingly studying abroad at a younger age. In 2012, the most popular disciplines
studied by PAMI abroad were: Medicine, Pharmacy and Dentistry (53%), Paramedical (31%), Science,
Technology and Engineering (12%) followed by the Humanities and Social Sciences (4%) (Haj Yehia
& Arar, 2014). As seen in the data noted above, PAMI students prefer to study prestigious free profes-
sions also preferred by other minorities such as Medicine, Pharmacy and Paramedical disciplines, and
difficult admission criteria for Israeli medical faculties act as push factors to travel to Jordan and other
foreign countries to study such disciplines (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2013).
Growing Popularity of Universities in Jordan and the Palestinian
Authority Territories
In recent years, Arab countries, such as Jordan and Palestine have become the preferred destinations
for PAMI students’ HE. This significant change of destination occurred after the signing of the peace
treaty between Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in 1995, when PAMI students began to
study in universities in Jordan universities and various academic institutions. Jordan has now become
the preferred destination for PAMI students, as well as a target destination for Palestinian students from
the Gulf States who desire to study prestigious free professions (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2011; Haj Yehia
& Arar, 2014). In 1998, approximately 100 PAMI studied in Jordan, but by 2012, 3,060 studied there.
After Jordan, PAMI students also began to apply to the Palestinian universities under The Palestinian
Authority, a new phenomenon that has emerged since 2007 (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
Until the end of the 1990s, PAMI students were forbidden to cross the border to study in Arab coun-
tries, due to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Yet for many PAMI secondary school students, this dream has now
become a reality. They can now study in a neighboring Arab country in Arabic, within a cultural, histori-
cal and national environment close to their own. A further advantage is that most Jordanian certificates
have received recognition by the Israeli HE Council (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2009). Jordanian universities
are also popular among PAMI students for Master’s and Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) degrees, mainly in
Religion, Islamic Doctrine, and Arabic Literature. In the year 2004-2005, 41 male and female students
studied higher degrees in Jordan (Haj Yehia &Ya’kubi, 2006).
PAMI students’ studies in Palestinian universities have become a remarkable phenomenon since
2007. With reference to Table 3, recent data indicates that the number of PAMI students studying at
the Arab American University in the occupied Palestinian city of Jenin rose from 160 students in 2007,
to 300 students in 2008 and by 2011, 800 PAMI students were studying there (Vurgan, 2012). At this
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Higher Education Abroad
university, PAMI students study dentistry and various paramedical subjects, such as physiotherapy, oc-
cupational therapy, radiology and nursing. The university attracts PAMI students due to its relatively
easy admission requirements for free professions in comparison with the above-mentioned difficult
admission requirements at Israeli universities.
Approximately another 400 PAMI students joined the Palestinian Al-Najah National University in
the academic year 2012-2013; most studying medical and paramedical subjects (personal communica-
tion from Al-Najah National University). This statistical fact was not included in Table 3 as it relates
to a later period.
A small number of PAMI students turn to the US to obtain Master’s, PhD and post-doctoral degrees.
These are mostly excelling students, who receive scholarships to pursue their postgraduate studies, such
as the Fulbright scholarship from the Fulbright-Hays Program (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
Apart from the desire to avoid the stringent admissions requirements of Israeli universities, studying
abroad allows the PAMI a freedom of movement that they as a minority in Israel, feel that they lack.
Foreign universities often offer scholarships, counseling and guidance, which are rarely offered by Israeli
universities, at both school and academic levels. HE guidance for access to foreign universities is usually
conducted by commercial mediation offices that coordinate with the universities outside the country;
they do not provide an educational or counseling approach (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014).
DISCUSSION
The aim of this chapter was to identify the reasons for the large-scale mobility of PAMI to study abroad
and the main changes that have occurred in PAMI studies abroad over the past two decades. More spe-
cifically this chapter aimed to answer the following questions:
1.
What motivating factors push PAMI students to continue their HE abroad?; and
2.
What trends and changes have occurred in the characteristics of PAMI students’ studies abroad?
Although small percentages of the Palestinian Arab community’s elite travelled abroad for their
academic studies before the establishment of Israel, no one expected that this percentage would reach
the relatively high proportion of 33% of all PAMI HE students, a proportion so high that the tendency
may be categorized as a ‘phenomenon’ that has more students studying abroad than at home (Arar &
Haj Yehia, 2013). For the past eight years, we have tracked and investigated this phenomenon of PAMI
students’ movement to either European or Arab countries in the Middle East (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2010;
Table 3. Distribution of PAMI students at Palestinian universities by academic year
2006/7
2007/8
2008/9
2009/10
2010/11
2011/12
Arab American Uni. in Jenin
36
62
100
252
593
800
Hebron University
14
44
48
70
-
502
Other Colleges & Universities
4
21
12
14
26
6
Total
54
127
160
336
619
1,308
Source: Vurgan (2012)
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Higher Education Abroad
2013; Arar et al., 2013). In our historical overview of the development of this phenomenon, we show
how as barriers to PAMI students’ access to Israeli HEIs has increased, so too have attracting factors
to study abroad simultaneously increased (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014). Each target country offers its own
unique factors to attract these students. It appears that PAMI students are motivated to overcome dif-
ficult obstacles to achieve their dream and to study esteemed disciplines, which are almost inaccessible
for them in Israel.
The evidence presented shows the development of HE among the PAMI, despite the fact that they
have limited access to HE in Israel (Arar & Mustafa, 2011; Al-Haj, 2003). Blocks to access for PAMI
students presented above constituted a catalyst for their studies abroad, influenced by a collective need
for new resources amid geo-political processes relating to the Israel-Arab conflict (cessation of the mili-
tary regime, 1967, freedom of movement beyond Israel’s borders and the peace agreement with Jordan,
1998) (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014). These events together with the internationalization and globalization
of the HE market have helped to form the phenomenon of PAMI studies abroad. This is a sort of circular
migration, born out of constrictions (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2010).
This strategy is employed by PAMI school graduates to bypass Israeli HEIs, where their chances
of acceptance are limited due to an underachieving, disadvantaged Palestinian school system and strict
university admission requirements that often discriminate against Arabic speaking candidates, especially
for what are considered prestigious disciplines (Arar & Mustafa, 2011; Gamliel & Cahan, 2004). Yet,
like other members of minority groups in other countries, it is precisely these prestigious disciplines that
PAMI students prefer to study since they offer future careers in free professions such as Medicine, Law,
and Paramedical disciplines, which can enable them to integrate within Israel’s employment market or
to work independently (Ayalon & Yogev, 2008; Brooks & Waters, 2011; Kettley, 2007).
Rosenzweig (2006) found that student outflows respond directly to domestic investments in HE.
Upgrading the quality of HE at home reduces student outflows for studies abroad, but increasing the
number of colleges at home increases demand for post-graduate studies abroad. Individual motivations for
HE abroad in other countries may include the desire to acquire a new language or culture or to integrate
within a global culture (Altbach, 2011; Altbach et al., 2010; Brooks & Waters, 2011). When choosing
a target country for HE, the OECD (2011) noted that the language of instruction is an important fac-
tor in choosing where to study and the most attractive countries use one of the more frequently spoken
languages, such as English, French, or Russian. A large proportion of migrant students (42%) head to
English-speaking countries i.e., Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK, and the US (OECD, 2011;
Brooks & Waters, 2011).
This does not appear, however, to be a major consideration for PAMI students (Arar & Haj Yehia,
2013), who study in Arabic, English, German, and other languages when they have the opportunity to
study prestigious disciplines. In addition, two major considerations influencing students’ choice of foreign
universities are the reputation of the HE institution and the recognition of foreign university degrees
in their home country or the international labor market (Altbach, 2011). Considering these indicators,
PAMI students prefer to study at international universities that are recognized by the Israeli HE Council.
The shift in PAMI studies abroad from Eastern and Western Europe to Jordan and the Palestinian
Authority Territories was not primarily motivated by geographically vicinity or similarity of the cultural
environment, although these considerations facilitate the new trend, allowing PAMI students to study in a
familiar environment that respects and reinforces their national religious and cultural identity. Addition-
ally, Arab universities satisfy parents’ concerns regarding the retention of their own culture, especially
for their daughters. Yet, the fact that PAMI have also turned recently to HE in Romania and Moldavia
81
Higher Education Abroad
testifies that the main motivation for studies abroad remains to attain easier access to prestigious disci-
plines (Arar, Masry-Harzallah & Haj Yehia, 2013).
Indeed, we have found that PAMI student’s studies abroad are mostly motivated by the lack of ac-
cess to HE at home. PAMI students seem almost entirely motivated by the desire to overcome blocks
to studying prestigious disciplines in Israel and driven to seek these disciplines abroad, while other
considerations such as language of instruction, geographical distance are secondary considerations
(Rosenzweig, 2006). Other factors attracting PAMI students to foreign universities include the opening
up of future opportunities, a wide range of learning opportunities, and work opportunities during studies
and financial assistance (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2010, 2012, 2013).
FUTURE RECOMMENDATIONS
Studying abroad accounts for a significant increase in the number of PAMI academic graduates in Israel
and especially rising numbers of those studying in Jordan and in The Palestinian Authority Territories
(Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014; Arar & Haj Yehia, 2012; Arar & Haj Yehia, 2013).
In general, students from high socioeconomic backgrounds choose to travel abroad to study at glob-
ally renowned universities, while students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds prefer to stay in their
home country or choose universities outside high academic university ranking abroad. This does not
apply to the PAMI students (Haj Yehia & Arar, 2014) as their parents have invested substantial financial
and other resources to ensure that their children attain HE, including support for the construction of
preparatory centers to guide and prepare them for academic studies abroad (Arar & Haj Yehia, 2013)
and funding and support when they stay in foreign lands.
PAMI students expect that academic degrees from abroad will serve as social, economic, and po-
litical levers to ensure their integration in Israel. They are generally regarded as their society’s elite.
This distinctive group demonstrates a readiness to contribute to all aspects of modern life including the
economy and technology (Al-Haj, 2003), serving as a spearhead driving PAMI society forwards towards
development and achievement of goals. PAMI students have been found to have two main motivations to
study HE: (1) a collective desire to contribute to their society in Israel; and (2) an individualist personal
desire for self-improvement, including the strong aspiration to acquire a profession that will secure so-
cial and economic benefits (Haj Yehia, 2007). PAMI society has high expectations from its graduates,
anticipating that they will undertake social and national leadership roles and represent the PAMI struggle
to achieve equal rights, respect and status in Israel (Mar’i, 1978; Al-Haj, 1996; Arar & Haj Yehia, 2007;
Arar & Mustafa, 2011).
Given the growing number of PAMI students turning to studies abroad and the challenges that these
students face when they continue their HE abroad, and in light of the present lack of planning and
preparation for their HE, we call attention for the need to plan HE for the PAMI in Israel including the
opening of a PAMI university to bridge access gaps, provision of guidance for pre-university students
and support during academic studies. Additionally, PAMI should be sent abroad as part of their active
participation in global economic processes.
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Higher Education Abroad
CONCLUSION
The motivation for this mass movement of PAMI students to study abroad overcomes cultural or linguistic
blocks (Allen, 2010). As noted, PAMI students do not prefer a particular target country for its language,
culture or culinary characteristics. These PAMI temporary migrants travel for long-term studies to attain
a university professional degree and to return and integrate within Israel’s employment market. This is in
contrast to other world minorities who are less likely to favor circular migration and eventually reside in
the host country. PAMI students return to Israel because of their commitment to their homeland, which
remains subject to the Israel-Palestine dispute and also as they live in a state that has a more stable eco-
nomic status that others in the region that can absorb them within its employment market.
In parallel to this trend for long-term studies, mobility for short-term studies abroad may be motivated
by the desire for self-realization, cultural capital, advanced professionalization, and personal empower-
ment. The first buds of such short-term studies abroad have begun to appear amongst PAMI students as
part of government programs to encourage research and/or cooperation such as ERASMUS in Europe,
the Ford one-semester Leadership Development Program in the US, and the German Embassy summer
study schools. However, this is still a marginal phenomenon for the PAMI, a minority that sees HE stud-
ies abroad primarily as a route for socioeconomic mobility.
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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS
Citizenship: A status that indicates membership in a nation state, or political community, and car-
ries with it rights to political participation and obligations i.e., a person having such membership is a
‘citizen. It is largely synonymous with ‘Nationality’, although it is possible to have a nationality without
being a citizen i.e., be legally subject to a state and entitled to its protection without having rights of
political participation in it.
Discipline: An area of academic study or branch of knowledge that constitutes a field unto itself.
Examples include Accounting, Art History, Education, Electrical Engineering, Management, Marketing,
Political Science, and Social Work. Disciplines in turn are often grouped under broader designations
according to their subject, such as Business, Engineering, Fine Arts, Humanities, Natural Sciences, and
Social Sciences. ‘Multidisciplinary’ or ‘interdisciplinary’ courses or research combine the subject areas
of more than one discipline.
Education Abroad: Education that occurs outside the participant’s home country. Besides study
abroad, examples include such international experiences as directed travel, non-credit internships,
volunteering, and work, as long as these programs are driven to a significant degree by learning goals.
Ethnicity: An aspect of an individual’s identity that is based on that individual’s heritage where the
individual shares common physical, national, linguistic, and/or religious traits with others who are from
the same heritage. Ethnic Groups are composed of members sharing a common ethnicity.
Hebrew: Historically regarded as the language of the Israelites and their ancestors, today Hebrew is
spoken by approximately nine million people worldwide. Modern Hebrew is one of the two official lan-
guages of Israel (the other being Modern Standard Arabic), while pre-modern Hebrew is used for prayer
or study in Jewish communities around the world today. As a foreign language, it is studied mostly by
87
Higher Education Abroad
Jews and students of Judaism and Israel, and by archaeologists and linguists specializing in the Middle
East and its civilizations, as well as by theologians in Christian seminaries.
Israel: A small, narrow, semi-arid country on the southeastern coastline of the Mediterranean Sea.
Over the years, the Land was known by many names: Eretz Yisrael (Land of Israel); Zion, one of Jeru-
salem’s hills which came to signify both the city and the Land of Israel as a whole; Palestine, derived
from Philistia, and first used by the Romans; the Promised Land; and the Holy Land, to mention but a
few. However, to most Israelis today, the country is simply Ha’aretz - ‘the Land’. Over 7.8 million people
live in Israel today (5.9 million Jews and 1.6 million Arabs). A wide spectrum of lifestyles characterizes
the country, ranging from religious to secular, from modern to traditional, from urban to rural, from
communal to individual.
Nationality: (1) When used in a ‘legal’ sense means membership of a person in a nation state. A
national of a country generally possess the right of abode in the country whose nationality he/she holds.
Nationality is distinguished from citizenship, as a citizen has the right to participate in the political life of
the state of which he/she is a citizen, such as by voting or standing for election. Although nationals need
not have these rights, normally they do. (2) When used in a ‘sociopolitical’ sense means membership in
a group of people with a shared history and a shared sense of identity and political destiny.
PAMI: The Palestinian Minority in Israel.
Race: A socially defined concept used to categorize people based on a combination of physical
characteristics and genetic heritage.
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